Helen on the Haas Initiative
Posted by Jim on January 10, 2014
Helen McClafferty
AOH Home of the Brooklyn Irish
Baile na nGael
Saturday, November 14, 2026
Posted by Jim on January 10, 2014
Posted by Jim on December 23, 2013
In the face of life’s everyday challenges, it’s too easy to be bad humored. Pope Francis reminds us to have faith that ‘all will work out for the good for those who believe’ at this joyful time of year.
By Timothy Cardinal Dolan / NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
What’s the Latin word for “sourpuss”? You got me. But that’s the expression Pope Francis uses in his recent letter on The Joy of the Gospel. It has to be the first time that word’s been used in a papal document!
Crabby, whining, frowning people — sourpusses! — according to Pope Francis, are in contradiction to belief.
If we have faith that all is in God’s loving, providential hands; that, as the Bible teaches, “all will work out for the good for those who believe,” a sense of quiet joy would then characterize our days. As Stephen Colbert remarked at Fordham University, “My sense of humor comes from my hope, because I believe God’s in charge, and all will work out. So, I can laugh!” Sure, there will be concerns, trials, and heartaches, at times nonstop, and these can cause tears, worry and questioning.
But, faith and hope keep us going. And smiles replace sourpusses.
That’s the meaning of both Chanukah and Christmas. At the dreariest time of the year, when the sun is at its lowest point, and the winds, dead earth, ice and darkness of winter are at their start, we celebrate the triumph of light over darkness, faith over doubt, hope over despair, life over death, as the sun begins its slow ascent. Winter does not have the final word in God’s design for us.
For Christians, as the sun begins its ascent, God the Son is born in Bethlehem.
And the result was “joy to the world.”
We need a little Christmas, don’t we? Murders, wars, violence, death, sickness, struggle can get us way down. We can’t give up. God sure didn’t give up on us: into all of this, on that “silent night,” His Son was born to show us the way back.
So we all become kids again, full of good cheer and warm thoughts. Those who aren’t are for once in the minority, today’s Scrooges, the “sourpusses” the Holy Father spoke of.
If we people of faith wonder why folks are leaving our churches and synagogues, we might recall that nobody likes being with a group of crabs. People want happiness, now, and in eternity. You’d think they’d find it in religion.
As the Jesuit scholar Pierre Teilhard de Chardin observed, “Joy is the infallible sign of God’s presence.”
The joy we relish now — from love, family, friendship, beauty, sharing, art, food, song, and drink — is but an antipasto of what God has in store for us for all eternity.
Pope Francis also reminds us that joy comes, not from what we have or even what we do, but from who we are: a child of God, made in His image, destined for an eternity with Him!
Listen to the Bible: “Rejoice in the Lord always! I say it again, rejoice!”
It’s time for sugarplums, not sourpusses!
As the great theologian Karl Rahner, remarked, “It’s Christmas! Light the candles! They have more right to exist than the darkness. At Christmas, God says, ‘I am there! I am with you! I am your life! Do not be afraid to be happy!’”
A blessed, joyful Christmas!
Posted by Jim on December 17, 2013
EDITOR
IRISH NEWS
113-117 Donegal Street
Belfast, Northern Ireland
BTI 2GE November 28, 2013
BELATED TRUTH ON MRF
A chara
Fergal Hallahan was more right than he imagines (25th November) about the derision accorded anyone with the temerity to accuse Britain of deploying a Military Reaction Force of plain-clothes British troopers who gunned down unarmed nationalists using non-military weapons.
During my years as both editor of the IRISH PEOPLE weekly American newspaper and National Director of Irish Northern Aid, I was tasked with presenting such facts to the American public and especially Congressmen.
The contention we Republicans repeatedly made was that the crown had sent out the MRF, and later wiped British fingerprints from their killings by shifting from the MRF to having the shots fired by loyalist proxies. This tactic had obvious advantages, including avoiding British Army casualties like those inflicted by the IRA at the Four Square Laundry. It allowed the British plausible deniability. Collusion in murders carried out by loyalists could be denied outright or blamed on a cadre of crown force bad apples, no matter how much targeting intelligence, agent control or safe passage the British had supplied.
Britain’s answer to these charges never changed. British officials would declare, self-righteously that “Her Majesty’s government” would never stoop to deploy such a unit. The British Army “yellow card” rules were sacrosanct, they scoffed, and this code was rigorously applied whenever British troopers opened fire. These sanctimonious British denials were believed by the public, politicians and journalists to the extent that this hand-picked death squad remained largely unknown to the public.
Panorama’s programme,”Britain’s Secret Terror Force” proves that Republicans were right about Britain’s deployment of a terror force, the MRF. It proves that those high-ranking British officials who denied that the crown would stoop to such tactics were either deliberately misled by the crown or deliberately misleading others on the crown’s behalf. Members of this British terror squad have no worries that they will face justice for killing unarmed Irish civilians like Daniel Rooney or Patrick McVeigh. They freely boast of their misdeeds, for the television cameras, confident that they enjoy a selective immunity and impunity, not granted Republicans like Gerry McGeough, Seamus Kearney or John Downey.
We Republicans were right about the MRF and just as right about Britain’s tactical shift from the MRF terror force to doing their ‘dirty war’ work through loyalist proxies. Must we await another Panorama documentary before people face the facts about Britain’s complicity with loyalist killers in collusion murders? Must we wait to see members of British forces who directed collusion murders congratulating themselves in televised interviews?
Slan, MARTIN GALVIN
Posted by Jim on November 25, 2013
A BBC Panorama documentary in which former plain-clothes British soldiers admitted carrying out undercover gun attacks in nationalist west Belfast has led to a public outcry and demands for an inquiry. The details revealed in the broadcast have recalled traumatic and appalling events which have always been refuted by the British authorities. Dozens of innocent civilians were injured or killed in attacks carried out by the ‘Military Reaction Force’ (MRF), usually in machine-gun blasts from an unmarked vehicle, and always the full sanction and support of their British military bosses. Reconstructions of events dating from 1971 onwards have hone a new light on the actions of the secretive unit. The BBC’s John Ware interviewed members of the MRF, who wore disguise but still spoke of their pride in their murderous campaign. The documentary recounted incidents when machine gun fire raked through knots of people standing on street corners or heading home to the pub. Others were chased through streets. Those targeted were often standing in the vicinity of road barricades erected by nationalist communities for their own safety 40 years ago. All of the victims were forensically tested by the then RUC, but none were found to have been in contact with firearms. No evidence was ever presented that those who were shot were anything other than innocent civilians. It was argued in the broadcast that the unit was a prototype counter-insurgency operation based on experiences in colonial conflicts, and that military regulations or civil laws “did not apply”. The unit included 40 hand-picked men from across the British Army who always wore plain clothes. When the men arrived at the specialised enclosure in Palace Barracks, County Down, which still operates today, the men dispensed with ranks, identification tags and surnames. Some soldiers told the broadcaster they would drive by the barricades and open fire, even if they did not see anybody brandishing a gun. One said anyone standing in the vicinity of a barricade was potentially an armed member of the IRA, and therefore a justifiable target. Another said it was part of his mission to “draw out” the IRA in west Belfast. “If they needed shooting they’d be shot,” he said. Most admitted that they would shoot unarmed targets. One said: “We were not there to act like an Army unit, we were there to act like a terror group”. MRF member Simon Cursey – not his real name – told a newspaper at the weekend that originally they were told to shoot at anyone carrying a weapon, but that the rules changed so that “groups manning barricades or vigilantes patrolling late at night” were targets. He admitted involvement in the attack in which father-of-six Patrick McVeigh died. That attack, and another six weeks later, were both carried out from an unmarked car using a privately-owned Thompson submachine gun. Key information was withheld from courts in the north of Ireland about this unit’s activities, according to Panorama. Mr McVeigh’s daughter Patricia said of the broadcast: “We want the truth. We don’t want to stop until we get the truth.” The MRF was ultimately replaced by the Force Research Unit, an equally clandestine division of the British Army which operated in concert with loyalist paramilitary death squads. Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams said the programme had shed light on one aspect of Britain’s ‘Dirty War’ in Ireland, and said victims of the MRF would be “disturbed” by the new information. He called on the Dublin government to press the British to establish “a truth recovery process that can provide support and closure for survivors”. “Sinn Fein has proposed that there be an international, independent truth recovery process,” he said. “Others have different ideas and that is fair enough, but we need to take this opportunity to move the process forward in a way that looks after the victims but also builds the future for the survivors.”
Posted by Jim on November 15, 2013
Although Irishtown had been known as Brooklyn’s most recognizable, infamous waterfront neighborhood for Irish immigrants in the mid 1800s, it was the city’s long waterfront property that stretched both north and south of Irishtown that was heavily settled by the Famine Irish. In truth, Irishtown could only be seen as the capital amidst the long stretch of Brooklyn waterfront neighborhoods facing the East
River and Manhattan.
By the census year of 1855, the Irish already made up the largest foreign-born group in New York. This constituted a dramatic shift in the ethnic landscape of Brooklyn. In just ten years, the amount of Irish-born inhabitants had jumped from a minimal amount, to 56,753. Out of a total population in Brooklyn of 205,250, its newly arrived Irish-born inhabitants made up about 27.5%.
The impact of such a large amount of immigrants in a short period of time may be difficult to imagine, but it must be remembered that these newly-arrived were not only all from one ethnic background, but they were also terribly destitute, bony from intense starvation, malnourished, disease-ridden, uneducated and untrained people that came from an outdated medieval agrarian community. On top of all of this, at least half of them did not speak English and instead spoke Gaelic and were landing in a culture that was traditionally hostile to their form of religion: Catholicism.
Famous sketch from the 1840s of an Irish mother digging with her children desperately to yield a crop in time to save their lives.
The Great Hunger in Ireland of 1845-1852, or what is commonly, if not erroneously called the “Potato Famine,” caused over 1.5 million (if not more) Irish tenant farmers to flee for lack of food.
“Few newcomers had the resources to go beyond New York and therefore stayed for negative reasons,” said Ronald H. Bayor and Thomas J. Meaghan in their book, The New York Irish. “Most… had no other options… The best capitalized Irish immigrants were those who did not linger in New York, but went elsewhere, making New York and other harbor cities somewhat atypical of the rest of Irish America.”
The waterfront neighborhoods of antebellum Brooklyn was such a place. These neighborhoods of mostly English Protestants and old Dutch aristocracy were quickly overwhelmed by these Catholic “invaders” crippled by diseases, starving and with a legacy of rebelliousness, secrecy, violence and faction fighting within their fiercely communal cooperations. In short, these great numbers of Brooklyn immigrants were in no way interested in assimilating into the incumbent Anglo-Protestant culture.
Since 1825 and the opening of the Erie Canal, Brooklyn had begun to boom as the New York Ports along the Hudson and East Rivers now had access to the great and rising cities in the midwest and beyond.
A color drawing from 1855 looking west toward Brooklyn’s Navy Yard. Just beyond it in the area that looks shaded was “Irishtown.” The New York Times described it in an 1866 editorial thusly, “Here homeless and vagabond children, ragged and dirty, wander about.”
Soon, New York become the busiest port city in the world. There was labor work to be had in Brooklyn, in the manufacturing and loading and unloading of goods to be sent around the country and around the world.
Brooklyn was broken down into wards at that time, and although much of the population lived along the waterfront, there were plenty of other neighborhoods inland that were heavily populated by the English and Dutch before the Great Hunger. But the newly arrived Irish immigrants did not go inland, they stayed along the waterfront where the labor and longshoremen jobs were.
One neighborhood in particular gained fame, though it is not as much known today as it was then:
Irishtown.
The Fifth Ward from an 1855 Fire Insurance Map, where Brooklyn’s Irishtown is located by the Navy Yard. It was called Vinegar Hill (from the 1798 rebellion in Ireland) even before the Great Hunger.
Located in the old Fifth Ward, Brooklyn’s Irishtown never gained the kind of infamous popularity that Manhattan’s Five Points garnered (as I previously wrote about in Code of Silence), it was nonetheless the center of the immigrant, working class slums and the brawling, closed-off culture of the wild Irish.
Located on one side next to Brooklyn’s Navy Yard that built ships and on the other side with the ferry companies connecting Brooklyn to Manhattan across the East River, Irishtown was centrally located.
Although Irishtown was the face of Brooklyn’s Irish community, it did not even have the distinction of having the most amount of Irish-born (which exclude American born of Irish stock) in it during the 1855 census. The dock and pier neighborhoods of Brooklyn were not just in the Fifth Ward, they were spread from the waterfront in Williamsburg north of Wallabout Bay all the way down to Red Hook and the Gowanus Canal.
During this time, there are three other wards that outnumber Irishtown in total Irish-born of the 1855 census. Cobble Hill, the Fulton Ferry Landing and southeast of the Navy Yard, north of Fort Greene Park. The brownstones of Brooklyn Heights are still considered mansions for the rich Brooklyn landowners at this time, but later will be divided and subdivided for the working class Irish.
The densest area of Irish-born is obviously from the Navy Yard, both inland and on the water to the Fulton Ferry Landing, but surprising numbers existed in the north along the Williamsburg waterfront and south in Cobble Hill, Red Hook and the Gowanus Canal. In fact, 47.7% of the total population of Red Hook in 1855 is Irish-born.
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In fact it is Brooklyn’s most famous Irish-American toughs, the White Hand Gang that originated not in Irishtown, but in and around Warren Street in Cobble Hill and Red Hook at the beginning of the 20th Century.
So, it is right to assume that masses of Famine Irish landed and settled around the more famous neighborhood of Brooklyn’s Irishtown, but it is the general waterfront area from Williamsburg down to Gowanus, in the pier neighborhoods of the fastest growing port and industrial areas of the city where the majority of them settled. In fact, of the 56,753 Irish-born in Brooklyn in 1855, about 51,000 of them lived in the waterfront neighborhoods.
Long before Ellis Island took in immigrants, Southern Manhattan’s Battery Park did. After disembarking there, many Irish immigrants took the ferry to Brooklyn or moved from the slums of Manhattan to the Brooklyn waterfront for the jobs on the docks and piers there.
And they just kept coming, well after the famine ended. With connections in Brooklyn, Irish-born brought their extended families and friends to New York over the coming years, funding new passages to the city helping keep the Brooklyn working class Irish poor for many years to come.
By 1860, Brooklyn was the largest city in America with 279,122 residents, a large portion of which were either Irish-born or of Irish stock as it is still some years ahead of the considerable amounts of Jewish and Italian immigration to Brooklyn later in the century.
By the census of 1875, the population of Irish-born in Brooklyn jumps to 83,069. In 1880, the U.S. census, which counted both place of birth and parents’ birth place as well, estimated that one-third of all New Yorkers were of Irish parentage. By 1890 as Brooklyn neighborhoods were expanding east and south, the amount of people with Irish stock is at 196,372.