subscribe to the RSS Feed

Friday, January 17, 2025

Posted by Jim on January 15, 2025

EDITORIAL: One More Thing Mr. President

Posted by Jim on January 14, 2025

President Biden.

Opinion January 14, 2025 by Irish Echo Staff

The last week of being President of the United States is a little like packing for vacation with ten kids and a posse of pets. So much to do and the clock ticking away, seemingly faster by the minute.

President Biden has certainly been busy in recent days. And those days would have been full even absent the passing of President Carter and the horrific wildfires in Los Angeles.

Down the road a bit these pages will look back on Biden’s term in the White House. He has much to be proud of and his genuine embracing of his Irishness is something that will be forever appreciated on both sides of the Atlantic.

Sign up today to get daily, up-to-date news and views from Irish America.

But before he hands over the keys to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue to President Trump, we would urge President Biden to do the right thing with regard to Admiral Husband Kimmel, a man who was scapegoated after the attack on Pearl Harbor, December 7, 1941.

After the attack, Admiral Kimmel, Commander in Chief of America’s Pacific fleet, and Lieutenant General Walter Short, the Army’s commander in Hawaii, were relieved of their commands. Stripped of their ranks, they retired in disgrace.

The book is in part a plea on behalf of the Kimmel family, who have been seeking exoneration for decades.

Swan wrote that a law passed after World War II granted all officers the right to retire at the highest rank at which they had served during the conflict. Thousands were elevated to their wartime ranks – even men who had been court-martialed. The law was applied to all – except for Hawaiian commanders Kimmel and Short.

And she wrote: “Admiral Kimmel and his defenders began what has by now been a more than eighty-year effort to exonerate him and restore his four-star rank.”

The effort has included a petition filed by the Kimmel family in 2020.

Wrote Swan: “The Kimmels’ petition presented significant evidence that had not been available to any previous official inquiry. Among other items, it included detailed pre-war intelligence information about the very type of aerial torpedo attack unleashed by the Japanese on Pearl Harbor. That intelligence had never been sent to Admiral Kimmel.

“The family’s application also made clear that Kimmel had not been relieved because Navy Secretary Frank Knox had lost confidence in his ability to command. Kimmel had been relieved, rather, because of pressure on Knox by other factors. There had been, above all, the need to keep secret the fact that the United States had broken Japan’s codes and was reading its diplomatic correspondence.

“In light of the evidence supplied by the Kimmels, the BCNR voted to recommend to then President Trump that he restore Kimmel’s four-star rank.

“The Board’s decision was approved by Secretary of the Navy Kenneth Braithwaite and sent to the Secretary of Defense for signature. Instead, the case languished during the transition and for years during the Biden administration. Then, in March 2023, in an unusual move, the Board’s decision was reversed by the current Secretary of the Navy, Carlos Del Toro. In light of such rebuffs, the Kimmel family’s efforts had long included direct appeals to Washington.” 

And here’s where President Biden comes in. According to Swan, then Senator Joe Biden put his weight behind the exoneration effort.

“In 1991, he and four other U.S. senators – John McCain, William Roth, Alan Simpson, and Strom Thurmond – signed a letter asking Bush to support the request.”

But President George H.W. Bush, himself a Navy veteran, took no action.

Wrote Swan: “In April 1999, during President Bill Clinton’s second term, Biden stepped in again. With Senator William Roth, he sponsored a resolution to restore both Kimmel and Short to the ranks they had held in 1941. In Biden’s words, it was unacceptable to forget ‘two brave officers whose true story remains shrouded and tarnished by fifty‑seven years of official neglect of the truth.’

“In spring 2000, when the necessary legislation was included as an amendment to the Defense Authorization Bill, it was passed. All that was necessary was that the President sign the recommendation and forward it to the Senate for approval. Clinton, however, left office without fulfilling the request

“In 2007, when he last referred to it publicly, President Biden described the Kimmel case as ‘the most tragic injustice in American military history. Today, in the final days of his administration, the President can correct that injustice by making the recommendation that would restore Kimmel’s four stars – and his honor.”

That he can and that, hopefully, he will do in the waning days of a presidency that, we believe, will be more greatly appreciated with the passage of time.

The Face of Northern Ireland, and perhaps its future, is much changed

Posted by Jim on

Sixty shifting years: From Paisley’s snowballs at the taoiseach to NI’s political thaw… but what next?

The Face of Northern Ireland, and perhaps its future, is much changed

Ian Paisley is escorted to a police car after he threw snowballs as the Taoiseach Jack Lynch arrived at Stormont for a luncheon with Capt Terence O’Neill
Ian Paisley is escorted to a police car after he threw snowballs as the Taoiseach Jack Lynch arrived at Stormont for a luncheon with Capt Terence O’Neill

Suzanne Breen

Yesterday at 01:49

A Sinn Fein First Minister at Stormont. Catholics outnumbering Protestants in a state specifically created with the intention of keeping them as a minority.

The Republic thriving economically while we lag behind. Sixty years ago, it appeared that there wasn’t a snowball’s chance in hell of any of this becoming a reality in Northern Ireland.

January 14, 1965, is a date noted in the history books. Prime Minister Terence O’Neill met Taoiseach Seán Lemass at Stormont Castle, but the reception from many was far from welcoming.

O’Neill told his cabinet of the visit only the night before because he knew there’d be opposition.

The Rev Ian Paisley led 1,000 loyalists to Stormont to protest against the first ever official visit to Northern Ireland by a taoiseach.

“No Mass and No Lemass” declared the placards which also bemoaned “an IRA murderer welcomed at Stormont”.

Capt Terence O’Neill, the former Northern Ireland Prime Minister, with Taoiseach Sean Lemass
Capt Terence O’Neill, the former Northern Ireland Prime Minister, with Taoiseach Sean Lemass

An urban myth has developed that Paisley threw snowballs at the taoiseach. He didn’t, but he put a huge political target on O’Neill’s back. “A traitor and a bridge are very much alike for they both go over to the other side,” he said.

In 1967, he did pelt the next Stormont visiting taoiseach, Jack Lynch, with snowballs. But 40 years after that, there were warm words and actions from Paisley for another taoiseach.

A smiling DUP leader shook hands with Bertie Ahern in Dublin, and even slapped him affectionately on the right shoulder at Farmleigh House.

“We both look forward to visiting the battle site at the Boyne, but not to refight it. I don’t want Mr Ahern to have home advantage,” Paisley joked.

His party was now the biggest in Northern Ireland, and he was First Minister in waiting.

“Today, we can confidently state that we are making progress to ensure that our two countries can develop and grow side by side in a spirit of generous co-operation,” he proclaimed in 2007.

Paisley went on to meet Irish president Mary McAleese. Later asked by journalist Eamonn Mallie if he had “taken the soup”, he replied: “Well it could be but, if the soup was good, why not take it as a Ballymena man if you’re getting it for nothing?”

The man who had denounced every moderate unionist leader, who had engaged in strikes and stunts which destroyed all previous compromises, went on to enjoy a stronger relationship with his “deputy” Martin McGuinness than he did with most of his own party colleagues.

The DUP didn’t even exist on January 14 1965: it was founded six years later. Nobody ever envisaged that a political party set up by Ian Paisley would end up sharing power with republicans.

Ian Paisley and Bertie Ahern during their 2007 visit to the Battle of the Boyne site in Co Meath. Photo: PA
Ian Paisley and Bertie Ahern during their 2007 visit to the Battle of the Boyne site in Co Meath. Photo: PA

The demographics of this state were very different back then. The census in the year the DUP was born showed the Catholic population at just 31%. Northern Ireland is now 46% Catholic and 43% Protestant, according to the 2021 census.

In the 1965 Stormont general election, the Ulster Unionist Party won almost 60% of the vote with nationalists and republicans securing 16%. The UUP held almost 70% of the seats.

In the current Assembly, unionists have just two seats more than nationalists, but Sinn Fein is the largest party by a significant margin with Michelle O’Neill becoming the first nationalist First Minister last year.

Sinn Fein is now as dominant in nationalism as the UUP once was in unionism. The DUP has eclipsed its rival although the unionist vote is deeply fragmented.

Today, unionist opposition to the status quo comes from Jim Allister. He’ s a very different character to the firebrand preacher who protested against Lemass’s visit.

Allister is much more intellectual and consistent, although less charismatic, than Paisley. His big disadvantage is that he lacks the lieutenants that the DUP founder had around him for decades.

Age isn’t on the TUV leader’s side in terms of shaping politics long-term. Paisley was 39 when he lambasted O’Neill’s “treachery”, whereas Allister is 71. He secured a spectacular victory when he unseated another Paisley in last year’s Westminster election.

Yet despite the TUV’s recent electoral success, it’s hard to see it becoming the dominant force in unionism as the DUP did. Were Allister 20 years younger, the chances would be enhanced.

Reverend Ian Paisley (John Stillwell/PA)
Reverend Ian Paisley (John Stillwell/PA)

Nowadays, taoisigh visit Northern Ireland without protests. Leo Varadkar was the least popular of recent holders of the office with unionists, but there still wasn’t a snowball — or the political equivalent — in sight during his numerous trips here.

A border poll, never mind Irish unity, isn’t on the landscape in the near future. Yet life here is unrecognisable now compared to 60 years ago.

It’s not just the change in the balance of power between unionism and nationalism, it’s the social and economic developments across this island. O’Neill worked hard to drive Northern Ireland’s economy forward. International companies including Michelin, DuPont, Goodyear, ICI and Grundig built factories here.

A major modernisation programme was also under way at the shipyard. It had experienced problems as aeroplanes replaced ocean liners, but Harland & Wolff still employed thousands of people.

A large construction graving dock was built which was later serviced by the iconic Samson and Goliath cranes.

Today, the shipyard survives but is a shadow of its former self. It was saved in December by a deal with Spain’s state-owned shipbuilder.

Decades ago, industrial Northern Ireland was much wealthier than the poor agricultural South. Today, the roles are reversed.

The Republic is miles ahead of us economically. Its GDP per capita is significantly higher than ours, its economic activity is 25% greater, household disposable income is larger.

Housing costs are higher across the border, although the Republic has better pensions and benefits, and lower inequality rates. Its health service, while far from perfect, is much better than ours with considerably shorter hospital waiting lists.

When a border poll eventually is called, the Republic’s stronger performance in so many areas will play a key role in the argument for Irish unity. Terence O’Neill, Sean Lemass nor Ian Paisley never imagined that 60 years ago.

Northern Ireland can do without another year of broken promises.

Posted by Jim on

2025 crying out for clear, decisive leadership from our politicians

Editorial

Wed 1 Jan 2025 at 05:00

Northern Ireland can do without another year of broken promises.

The carrots were waved in front of all who live here. There was the promise of a sack of gold on the restoration of the Assembly, the promise of upgrades to the A5 and A1 roads, the promise of an end to industrial disputes across health, education and the civil service, the promise of a Euro 2028 tournament to look forward to and the promise of multi-millions in investment from the US once the country showed it could commit to a political future.

There is, sadly, no surprise that many of those promises were as empty as the bank vaults at Stormont in 2024.

Northern Ireland in 2024 was potholed by a series of scandals, changes in leadership and political upheaval at a time when work needed to be done.

Every year comes with surprises in store. How you react to them is the key to progress.

For both our main political parties, times in 2024 were turbulent.

For the DUP, a forced change of leadership followed the decision to return to Stormont that in itself caused angst in loyalist circles.

For Sinn Fein, while Michelle O’Neill was delivered as First Minister, that came with extra scrutiny and a struggle to deal with scandals of their own making.

Changes too for the SDLP and Ulster Unionists, with new leadership for both.

Things do change, no matter how much you plan ahead. The year 2025 is crying out for clear, decisive leadership to see us all through what awaits.

In the short term, what awaits is a growing financial crisis with all departments in government calling for more help to do the things that need doing.

We need decisions on how the future of the health service will look, become more sustainable, reduce waiting lists, save local GP surgeries and give everyone the level of care they had been accustomed to.

We need an end to the constant threat of industrial action in education. We have schools to be proud of, but need buildings for them to be proud in.

We need progress on major road and transport initiatives, an end to the gridlock that’s strangling Belfast, a start to the A5 scheme, and, as Christmas has all too horrifically shown, improvements across the network to make our roads as safe as they can possibly be.

Politicians are entrusted with the ability to make the choices for everyone, and though the risk of every decision is that you will make the wrong one, decisions must be made nonetheless.

And what can we do except try to do better? And do what is needed to make good on promises made.

Anti-Irish language group behind ‘English is our mother tongue’ leaflets speaks about campaign

Posted by Jim on January 12, 2025

‘Protestants Against Gaelic Language’ group is based in the Republic and is against the promotion of Irish rights across the island

Road signs for Derry, Dundalk, Dublin and Slane in the English language, each translated directly into the Irish language words, located in Ardee town, County Louth, Ireland.
Road signs in the Republic featuring both Irish and English. (Derick Hudson/Getty Images/iStockphoto)

By Paul Ainsworth

January 11, 2025 at 6:00am GMT

An anti-Irish campaigner behind a car leaflet campaign says he “despises” the language and plans more protests.

The head of Protestants Against Gaelic Language (PAGL) wants to protest against the use of Gaelic right across the island, as English is the “ancestral language of most Irish people”.

The group is preparing to increase its efforts against the use of Irish in the Republic with the upcoming launch of its new website, and in Northern Ireland where a revival of the language is gaining momentum following the Identity and Language Act 2022.

In an interview with the Irish News, the group’s founder, Jack Sinnott, has denied the campaign was behind leaflets placed on the cars of people attending an Irish class in Belfast that police had investigated as a possible hate incident.

A number of attendees of the class at The Points bar on Belfast’s Dublin Road in December emerged to find the leaflets on their windshields.

The text on the leaflet opened with “Why 87% of Irish people should hate the Irish language” and warned the tongue “was always used to discriminate against non-nationalists”.

One attendee of the class said they felt the leaflets were “low-level intimidation” when speaking with the BBC.

The PSNI initially said they were investigating and treating it as a “hate incident”, but a spokesperson confirmed on Friday: “Police carried out a number of enquiries and determined that no offences had been committed.”

Although the leaflets featured the initialism “P.A.I.L” – understood to stand for Protestants Against Irish Language – the wording is the same as a leaflet produced by the PAGL group.

Mr Sinnott, who is 62 and from Co Dublin, says he “despises” the Irish language.

Despite insisting PAGL was not behind the leaflets in the Dublin Road area, he says his group has placed leaflets opposing Irish on vehicles in both Belfast city centre and at Belfast International Airport in November.

He said he has previously been interviewed by police over letters written to Irish language campaigner Linda Ervine and her colleagues at the Turas project in east Belfast.

Mr Sinnott said his group – which he claims includes around 30 members – has emailed the PAGL leaflet to elected members of the DUP, UUP, TUV and Alliance in the north in a bid to gain support for the campaign.

“I feel that religion is being targeted, and if it is, then the Irish language should be targeted, but not in a way that intimidates or causes anyone to feel it is a hate campaign” he told the Irish News.

“Our members are based in the Republic, where of course there has been a huge push for the use of the Irish language, but the language movement is very active in the north now.”



Mr Sinnott said historic moves by the British to oppose Gaelic, including bans on its use, was “just so they could make it that we would all speak the same language”.

His group’s leaflet states “Ireland’s Christianity is a more important part of Ireland’s heritage than the language ever was” and the government in Dublin “would do much more for the Irish people if they taught Latin in our schools instead of Gaelic”.

It adds the government has used “compulsion, bribes, grants and of course jobbery” to “force” people to speak Gaelic, but said Irish people have “resisted and refused” these attempts.

According to Census figures from 2022, almost 40% of people in the Republic said they had some ability to speak Irish.

In the north, around 4% say they can speak Irish according to the 2021 Census, while 12.4% say they have some ability with it.

Mr Sinnott said his group plans to hand out more leaflets in schools and colleges in the Republic.

However, Linda Ervine said there is a “great love” of the Irish language in the Republic, along with its rise in use north of the border.

“If you somehow removed Irish from its position in the south, there would be a terrible outcry,” she said.

“Because it is so accessible there, there can be sometimes be a lack of appreciation, but as the saying goes, ‘you don’t miss the water until the well runs dry’. As for Northern Ireland, in the work that I do, I see Irish as a medium of reconciliation that brings people together for the love of the language.”