Posted by Jim on September 17, 2013
By Eamonn McCann
The death last week of retired British army officer Edward Loden –
murdered by intruders at his son’s home in Nairobi – means that we may
never fully know how or on whose instructions the initial cover-up of
the Bloody Sunday killings was organised. We do know that, on the basis
of the evidence in the public domain, the two soldiers most intimately
involved were Loden and Michael Jackson, who was subsequently to rise
through the ranks to become Britain’s top soldier, the chief of the
general staff.
Jackson was a captain and second in command of the first battalion of
the Parachute Regiment in the Bogside on the day. Loden was a major and
commander of the battalion’s support company, the unit which fired all
the fatal shots. The fact that the chairman of the Bloody Sunday
tribunal, Lord Saville, accepted the account of their roles which
eventually emerged from the two men’s evidence was crucial in allowing
David Cameron to make the much-praised Commons statement in which he
hailed the report and declared the massacre “unjustified and
unjustifiable”.
DIFFICULT TO DENOUNCE
Had Saville cast doubt on the Loden/Jackson narrative, Cameron would
have found it difficult to denounce those who had fired the fatal shots
while maintaining that no stain attached to the British army generally.
The Bloody Sunday issue could not have been disposed of in a way that
satisfied the needs of the British political and military authorities.
Jackson had just recently been appointed chief of staff when he came to
give evidence in London in April 2003. He said that although he had been
in the Bogside and in the vicinity of the shooting, he had seen little
of what happened. He made no mention of compiling a list of the shots
fired or of writing any other description of events. A different version
emerged the following month when Loden described how, late in the
afternoon of Bloody Sunday, he had taken statements from the shooters
and plotted map references showing in each case the location of the
shooter and of his target. He said that he had interviewed the soldiers
one by one as he sat in the back of an armoured vehicle with a map
spread out on his lap and by the light of a battery-powered lamp. He
listed 14 “engagements”.
But when the original of the “Loden list” was produced, it turned out to
be not in Loden’s but in Jackson’s handwriting. How could this have come
about? “Well, I cannot answer that question,” Loden replied.
None of the shots described in the list conformed to any of the shots
which evidence told had actually been fired. Some trajectories took
bullets through brick buildings. In their evidence, none of the soldiers
said to have been debriefed by Loden recalled this happening.
Other documents in Jackson’s handwriting came to light – personal
diaries of the day by Wilford, the three para company commanders and the
battalion intelligence officer. The transcription of this dossier of
documents must have been a lengthy and wearying exercise.
Recalled to the stand in October 2003, Jackson said that he had had no
memory of any of this when first giving evidence but had recovered a
“vague memory” after learning that the documents had subsequently been
produced and put to Loden. Under questioning, the chief of staff seemed
hampered by poor memory, on more than 20 occasions using phrases along
the lines, “I cannot remember,” “I do not recall,” “I have only a very
vague memory.”
Saville accepted both Loden’s original claim that he had personally
written out the shot-list and Jackson’s subsequent explanation that he
must have copied out by hand both Loden’s list and the other documents,
although he could offer no explanation of why he might have done this or
on whose orders. No original of Loden’s list has ever been found.
In volume eight of the report, Saville rejected suggestions from the
families’ lawyers that “the list played some part in a cover-up to
conceal the emerging truth that some innocent civilians had been shot
and killed by soldiers of 1 Para, although it is not explained exactly
how this conspiracy is said to have worked”.
AFTER THE MASSACRE
Saville went on to cite an interview on BBC on the day after the
massacre in which a British army spokesman used the list as his basis
for explaining the “shooting engagements”. The report also acknowledged
that the shot-list had been distributed to British diplomatic missions
around the world by British Information Services as the “official”
account of the killings.
Saville did not refer in his report to the possibility that here we had
not just evidence of a conspiracy to cover up the truth of “unjustified
and unjustifiable” killings of unarmed civil rights demonstrators but
clear sight of the conspiracy in action, with Jackson and Loden at its
heart.
It is widely assumed that the Bloody Sunday matter is over and done
with. But it isn’t.
Posted by Jim on September 13, 2013
Constitutional convention seeks input from global Irish diaspora on overseas voting rights
Irish citizens resident outside the Irish state will be asked to make submissions later this month to the Convention on the Irish Constitution on the subject of “giving citizens resident outside the state the right to vote in presidential elections at Irish embassies, or otherwise.”
It’s the first time an Irish government agency has directly sought the opinion of the global Irish diaspora on the question of whether they should be allowed to vote to chose an Irish president while living overseas.
“The convention is actively seeking submissions from Irish people around the world,” Peter Ryan, New York deputy consul general told the Irish Voice. “We’re asking people to make a submission online via the website or by emailing the Convention Secretariat directly.”
“Should citizens around the world have the right to vote in presidential elections or not? It’s a great opportunity for Irish citizens around the world to have their views heard,” Ryan continued.
“There’s nothing that we shouldn’t be able to discuss about Ireland, whatever it is. Don’t just give your views around your kitchen table or community center, share them. Maybe others haven’t heard what your view on a particular topic is. You have to add to the debate.
“The idea of a vote in the presidential election is something that has been widely debated and I think it would be great to get as much feedback from Irish citizens as possible on it now.”
Tom Arnold, the Convention on the Constitution’s chairman, was formerly global CEO of Irish aid group Concern Worldwide before heading up this groundbreaking initiative. His experience stands to him, Ryan says.
“Tom’s very sensitive, given his own history, to the needs and opinions of the Irish diaspora around the world,” Ryan added.
Whether you came to the U.S. in the fifties, sixties, seventies or even more recently, you’re welcome to share your views Ryan said.
“There’s an online survey on the Convention on the Constitution which is very easy to fill out and very quick, you can answer it anonymously in a couple of minutes. That will help to guide the conversation, which will be held live online and will be easily accessible.”
Not everyone is impressed with the move, however. Fergus Scannell, an Irish emigrant based in Woodlawn, told the Irish Voice, “This is just talks about talks. They’re asking us if we’d like to vote in the election, they’re not actually setting up the means to do so.
“I’ll participate and tell them I want to vote for the president, but I want to be able to vote in the election while living in New York too. I’m back all the time. I send money home. It’s my country too. I should be able to vote.”
Eileen Duggan, an undocumented mother of two in Woodlawn says it’s a welcome start.
“I’ll definitely email the convention with my views. I think it’s a good sign that they’re finally beginning to notice we exist. If we were smart we’d make use of the diaspora, rather than ignore it. It’s very promising that they’re finally seeking our views,” she said.
The global network of Irish embassies and organizations has a direct line to the wider Irish diaspora, Ryan added. “We do try to keep in touch so we are aware of the challenges people are facing. It’s important to keep those channels open because they’re absolutely critical to the life of the nation.”
The Convention on the Constitution’s brief is to examine aspects of the Irish Constitution to ensure it is equipped for the 21st century. It will also make recommendations to the Dail (Irish Parliament) on future amendments to be put to the people in referendums.
The convention has already received submissions on the possibility of votes for the diaspora in the presidential election on its website, but is keen to ensure that as many Irish citizens as possible are made aware they are being asked to give their input to the convention’s deliberations.
Making a submission on-line is easy with the full details available on the website located at www.constitution.ie. You can also email the Convention Secretariat directly with your suggestions at submissions@constitution.ie.
Irish citizens abroad are also being asked to participate in an online survey that’s been set up to give the members of the convention a greater understanding of the issues facing the diaspora. The deadline for receipt of the completed surveys is September 18 at: https://www.surveymonkey.com/s/ConventionontheConstitution
The plenary convention meeting will be streamed live on the www.constitution.ie website starting at 9:30 a.m. on Saturday, September 28 and concluding with the result of the vote by the convention at 1 p.m. the following day.
Posted by Jim on September 12, 2013
The British government has refused calls for a public cross-Border
inquiry into the 1998 Omagh bombing.
The decision announced this morning preempted high-profile multi-party
talks on the past by US envoy Richard Haass due to begin on Tuesday.
The announcement came in a statement by British Direct Ruler in
Ireland, Theresa Villiers, and in a letter to members of the Omagh
Support and Self Help Group.
In the letter, Ms Villiers said the British government had “after
consultation and careful consideration” concluded that such an inquiry
“is not in the public interest”.
She said there were not sufficient grounds to justify a further review
or inquiry beyond the current Police Ombudsman’s investigation.
She added that there was support for an inquiry among a number of
survivors and families of those killed in the bomb, but �others felt
that a further inquiry would cause them considerable trauma�.
�All these views were weighed against other factors, including the
series of previous inquiries into the Omagh bomb and the current
investigation by the Office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern
Ireland,� it said.
Last month just ahead of the August 15th fifteenth anniversary of the
bombing the families said documents they presented to the Dublin and
London governments over a year ago showed there was substantial
evidence of foreknowledge state security forces of an attack on Omagh.
Those documents came on top of evidence that a British Army
communications team had been closely monitoring the mobile phones of
the breakaway ‘Real IRA’ unit responsible for transporting the bomb,
and had even hidden a tracking device inside the car being used.
But on the day, the attack proceeded without any intervention. Two
warning calls failed to clear the town centre area, and the bomb
exploded, killing 29 people and two unborn twins.
It was the most devastating loss of life since the Dublin and Monaghan
bombings in 1974. The two attacks are often compared as possible
British attempts to discourage support for the Provisional IRA and Real
IRA, respectively.
The families said last month that if necessary they were prepared to go
to the courts to try to compel the British and Irish governments to
hold and inquiry.
Michael Gallagher, whose son Aiden was among the victims, condemned
today’s decision, describing the reasons given by Ms Villiers for
ruling out a public inquiry as �trivial�.
The families would be seeking recourse, he said. �Should we be denied
truth and justice because other people don�t want it?�
He said he was �disappointed but not surprised� by the decision. �The
reality is that Aiden need not have died.�
Referring to British condemnation of the Syrian government, he said: �I
think it�s important to note that this is a government who are actually
holding other governments to account over human rights abuses.
�Both the British and Irish governments failed to protect the human
rights of those people.�
He added: “We gave both governments a document over a year ago that
shows that both the British and Irish government could have done
something to prevent the Omagh bomb.
“We have the result now – it’s not the result we wanted but at least we
can move forward. We can go to the courts and that’s exactly what we
will do.”
Posted by Jim on September 6, 2013
Today, September 2, 2013, is the 63rd birthday of Martin Corey.
Today is also the date the Parole Commissioners were to commence
Martin’s annual Parole hearing. We received communication on Friday,
the 30th of August, informing us that this open hearing to review
Martin’s ongoing detention would not commence on this date, with no
alternative date being suggested or discussed with us.
Martin is entitled by law to an annual Parole hearing, and yet he has
not received one in over two years.
A variety of reasons have been given for the delay, including blaming
Martin himself for his “legal challenges” against his detention under
Article 5 (4) (the right to have a court decide the lawfulness of his
detention under the European convention of Human Rights).
Recent violations of Human Rights in the Middle East have received
worldwide condemnation, including by the British government who stated
that they ‘will continue to play an active and forthright role in
international institutions that promote and protect human rights.’ They
also emphasised the UK’s own commitment to strengthen human rights, both
domestically and internationally.
The European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2012 that it was
unacceptable to deny an annual parole hearing to anyone held in custody.
This ruling ollowed a case of a man who waited 14 months for a parole
hearing. Martin Corey has now waited 25 months.
The Secretary of State in a recent communication stated, ‘an individual
who served a life sentence can be returned to prison if they pose a
risk to the public or commits further offences.’ Since Martin’s arrest
in April 2010, he has never been charged with a crime, questioned by
police regarding a crime, or given any explanation as to the risk he
poses to the public.
Martin served 19 years in prison prior to his release in 1992. He has
now served the equivalent of a seven year sentence since his arrest in
2010.
Martin has not committed any crime. He poses no risk to the public and I
am calling for his immediate release today.
I spoke with Martin this morning and he wishes to express his gratitude
to those who sent messages and cards and also for their continued
support in highlighting the ongoing injustice perpetrated upon him by
the British government.
Posted by Jim on
MARTIN GALVIN
ATTORNEY AT LAW
903F SHERIDAN AVENUE
BRONX, NEW YORK, 10451
718-665-1800
EDITOR IRISH NEWS
113-117 Donegal Street
Belfast, Northern Ireland BTI 2GE September 1, 2013,
LONG KESH U-TURN
A chara
As we await the end of Robinson’s holidays and the coming of Richard Haass’ magic wand to disappear all flags and parades troubles, one question remains paramount.
Will Robinson keep any deal, if he can disavow his commitments to Republicans with impunity?
Robinson’s Florida poolside u-turn on the Peace Centre deal played well within his party and with other unionists who think any promise of concessions to nationalists should be broken or “unpicked”. His declaration of intent to withdraw from the Long Kesh centre was unambiguous. Robinson proclaimed that all promises to Republicans are hostage to our subsequent good, meaning docile, behavior.
When Republicans dared to march against new forms of Internment on Internment Day or to honor the memory of Republican patriots, Robinson declares that Republicans breached his unwritten code of conduct and nullified any deal. The Croppies failed to lie down and will get no Long Kesh centre, even one built by DUP ally Terence Brannigan.
Robinson’s bullying will only be a “mistake” if Republicans stand up to him and make it so. Thus far he has not been forced to shorten his holiday much less reverse his u-turn. If Robinson can bully Republicans into more concessions, it will hardly be a mistake for unionists.
Robinson is copying the example of his British mentors. The British discarded their WestonPark promises by jailing Gerry McGeough and arresting John Downey, safe conduct letter in hand. They waited as Sinn Fein sat still for it at Stormont instead of walking out and showing the party would not swallow broken promises. The British think they hobbled their former foes with Stormont titles and dreams of becoming junior coalition partners north and south. Why should Robinson not take advantage?
My own view is no secret. The Hunger Strikers were patriots whose names, legacy and victory over Thatcher’s attempt to criminalize their struggle against British rule will never be forgotten, no matter what happens to the spot where they died.
Thatcher could not bully or break the Hunger Strikers in Long Kesh. Will those elected to represent Republicans today allow the likes of Peter Robinson to use Long Kesh to bully them?
Slan, MARTIN GALVIN