Posted by Jim on August 10, 2015
There were disturbances in north Belfast this afternoon after a civil
rights march against internment was prevented from marching through the
city.
The demonstration, organised by the broad-based Anti-Internment League
(AIL), was blocked from leaving the Ardoyne/Marrowbone area by the PSNI.
In the city centre, several hundred loyalists planning to attack the
parade had been allowed to gather. At one point the loyalists threw
fireworks at the assembled media and towards police.
When the parade was stopped, marchers stood holding placards in front of
heavily armed riot police. Speakers also delivered speeches via loud
hailers at the PSNI lines.
The demonstration then returned to march inside the nationalist area
before dispersing peacefully.
Some two hours later, PSNI vehicles which had remained at
Oldpark/Rosapenna area came under sporadic attack from local youths, and
a small number of stones, bottles and petrol bombs were thrown. The PSNI
responded with water cannon before eventually withdrawing.
The AIL said the intervention of the state this afternoon “served to
confirm the Republican analysis that anyone who opposes the status quo
is a second class citizen in the eyes of Britain” and the Stormont
administration.
They said unlike the sectarian parades organised by loyalists, they had
not marched “for marching’s sake”, and their goal of highlighting the
continuing internment policy of Britain and the 26 County administration
had been successful.
“Mainstream media outlets have been forced to confront the reality that
republicans endure as a result of unjust incarceration”, they said, “not
to mention the draconian conditions and torture strategy within
Maghaberry and Hydebank”.
The decision to restrict the protest to an earlier time on Sunday
morning was blamed by the marchers on city centre business interests,
and there were suggestions that future applications to protest would be
made for a Saturday.
The AIL thanked all those who travelled for the event.
“All march participants behaved peacefully and with dignity when facing
down the armed wing of the State, before we took the responsible
decision to march back into the Ardoyne area, avoiding a flashpoint of
the PSNI’s own making.”
Posted by Jim on August 8, 2015
Loyalists say they will attempt to block a nationalist civil rights
march through Belfast on Sunday. The UDA’s political wing, the UPRG, has
threatened to “stop republican scum from marching on the streets of
Belfast”.
Thousands are expected to take part in the protest against internment,
organised by the Anti-Internment League (AIL).
In 2013, a loyalist mob went on the rampage on Royal Avenue during a
similar demonstration, and the PSNI forced the march away from the city
centre as a result.
Fears of similar trouble are growing after the UPRG’s north Antrim
branch made an internet appeal to flood the city centre in a bid to stop
the parade.
The AIL parade, billed as a national march against internment by remand,
has been organised to highlight the ongoing detention of nationalist and
republican activists without trial.
The organisation is made up of anti-agreement republicans, human rights
advocates, community workers and trade union members. Sunday’s parade
will coincide with the 44th anniversary of the introduction of
internment in August 1971.
The march is to start at Ardoyne Avenue in north Belfast before
travelling to Belfast city centre where it will move along Royal Avenue
and on to Dunville Park in west Belfast for a rally.
Organisers had wanted to set off from Ardoyne in north Belfast at 2.30pm
but the Parades Commission has said the parade must be concluded by
1.30pm, setting up a dispute which remains unresolved.
Sinn Fein has called for the commission’s determination to be respected.
But in a statement, the AIL said they would not allow their peaceful
protest to be suppressed.
“The attempt by a British Secretary of State-appointed quango to attempt
to restrict our message of opposition, by placing unrealistic time
constraints and limiting public exposure to our message, is futile and
panders to those who wish to support continued injustices by Britain
that are facilitated by the Stormont Executive,” the statement said.
“The days of ‘croppy lie down’ are over, let the State militia of the
PSNI and British Army try to stop us.”
The Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association said the Parades
Commission had also tried to force a clash with another republican
event, a parade to mark the Ballymurphy Massacre.
“This can only be viewed as a deliberate attempt to divide republican
opposition to British sponsored atrocities and torture in Ireland both
past and present,” they said.
“The IRPWA call on all our activists, supporters and the broad
Republican family to reject these British tactics by ensuring that
Britain’s continuing torture of Republican Prisoners is highlighted on
9th August.”
DUP North Belfast MLA Nelson McCausland claimed the statement from the
parade organisers was a “clear threat”. But Padraig McCotter, from
republican group Eirigi, accused Mr McCausland of constructing a
“smokescreen”, and pointed out that the parade was due to take place on
a Sunday, when there are very few shoppers in the city centre.
“We’re calling on the general public to give the march their backing and
to add their voice to the growing chorus of discontent at draconian
imprisonment methods,” he said.
Republican prisoners at Maghaberry also issued a statement to welcome
the efforts of all those responsible “for elevating our struggle on to
the main stage of political debate”.
“For those who are yet undecided on attending we appeal to you to join
our struggle,” according to the prisoners on the Roe 4 wing.
“There are few avenues open to Irish Republicans to make a public
expression of our opposition to Internment, whether by remand or through
revocation of licence, forced strip searches, controlled movement and
Isolation of Republican Political Prisoners.
“The British Government know this as well. This of course explains the
increasing effort to hinder this manifestation of resistance. We implore
the Irish Republican people to recognise this and the intent behind it
and conclude that they will not assist the process by staying at home.
No one, not even a British government can thwart such a well organised
and well attended demonstration of resistance.”
* Today [Saturday], 30,000 loyalists are to flood the city of Derry with
150 flute bands for the ‘Relief of Derry’ marches. In sharp contrast to
Sunday’s event, however, there has been no nationalist opposition or
controversy in Derry over the marches, which are held annually by the
Apprentice Boys organisation.
Posted by Jim on
Died August 8th, 1981
Sincere, easy-going and full of fun
THE TENTH republican to join the hunger strike was twenty-three-year-old IRA Volunteer Thomas McElwee, from Bellaghy in South Derry. He had been imprisoned since December 1976, following a premature explosion in which he lost an eye.
He was a first cousin of Francis Hughes, who died after fifty-nine days on hunger strike, on May 12th.
One of the most tragic and saddening aspects of the hunger strike was the close relationships between some of the hunger strikers.
Joe McDonnell following his friend and comrade Bobby Sands on hunger strike and then into death, both having been captured on the same IRA operation in 1976.
Elsewhere, similar close ties, parallels, between one hunger striker and another: the same schools; the same streets; the same experiences of repression and discrimination.
And for those families, relatives and friends most acutely conscious of the parallels there is of course an even more intense personal sadness than for most, in the bitter tragedy of the hunger strike.
But of all those close relationships, none was surely as poignant as that between Thomas McElwee and his cousin, Francis Hughes: two dedicated republicans from the small South Derry village of Bellaghy, their family homes less than half-a-mile apart in the townland of Tamlaghtduff, who were close friends in their boyhood years and who later fought side by side in the towns and fields of South Derry for the freedom of their country.
It came then as no surprise to those who knew them when Thomas and Francis stood side by side again in the H-Blocks (along with Thomas’ younger brother, Benedict) in taking part in the thirty-strong four-day fast at the end of the original seven-man hunger strike last December.
And when the deaths of Bobby Sands and Francis Hughes, on the subsequent hunger strike, only months later, failed to break the Brits intransigence, the McElwee family were already certain that either Thomas or Benedict, both of whom had volunteered, would soon be joining the hunger strike as well.
QUALITIES
What are the qualities that make a twenty-three-year-old South Derry man ready to die a painful death on hunger strike, in defence of his political principles and to end, for himself and for his comrades, the horrors of the H-Blocks in which he had already spent almost four years?
The story of Thomas McElwee is not of a uniquely courageous, or uniquely principled young man, any more than were any of the hunger strikers unique in some way.
But it is the story of a fairly typical young Derryman, kind and good-natured, full of life, and with a craze for cars and stock-car racing who is also filled with a love of his country and its way of life, who (like many others) had watched that country overrun by foreign and hostile troops, torn by sectarianism and discrimination, and who had spent over half of his young life striving to achieve the liberation of his country.
Within those few years he had become part of a tradition of the resistance of ordinary Irish people, that will never be criminalised.
CHILDREN
Thomas McElwee, the fifth of twelve children, was born on November 30th, 1957, into the small, whitewashed home built by his father, along the Tamlaghtduff Road in the parish of Bellaghy.
His father, Jim (aged 65), a retired builder, has lived in Tamlaghtduff all his life, coming from a family of farmers which settled in the area at the turn of the century. One of his sisters, Margaret, married into the Hughes family, and is the mother of the late Francis Hughes. Thomas’ mother, Alice (aged 56), lived in Philadelphia until she was seven years old, her family having moved there from County Derry but later returning, and she has lived in Bellaghy for most of her life.
Jim and Alice married in 1950 and had twelve children, the oldest thirty, the youngest fourteen. They are: Kathleen, the eldest; Mary; Bernadette; Annie; Enda; Thomas; Benedict; Joseph; Nora; Pauline; Majella; and the youngest James. Even within the Irish countryside where strong family bonds are the rule, the McElwee family are considered to be particularly close and considerate to one another, and there are strong ties too between them and the Hughes family.
As children, Thomas and Benedict and Francis Hughes, along with other neighbours’ children, used to walk together each day to the bottom of the Tamlaghtduff road to catch the bus to school, returning home again each evening. They went to St. Mary’s primary in Bellaghy, and then to Clady intermediate, three miles away.
Thomas got on pretty well at school. His favourite subjects were English and Maths, and he was also good at Geography and History.
At home he was quiet, very good natured and sincere, and particularly good towards his mother, helping out around the house and with jobs like cutting the hedge and putting up fencing.
He was also, however, very much an outdoor person, and although more serious than Benedict (who would usually have started off the devilment the pair got involved in), he was full of fun, with a strong sense of humour and adventure.
One of the pranks they sometimes got up to along with other local lads, earning them the temporary wrath of neighbours, was climbing on to the roof of a house, blocking the chimney, and then watching as the smoke began to appear in the kitchens. “They weren’t too popular when that happened”, remembers one of their sisters, laughing.
NEIGHBOURS
But frequently too, Thomas was out-at week-ends and during school holidays – helping neighbours, including Protestant farmers, with their crops and machinery. He also used to go to work, picking gooseberries, at the monastery in Portglenone, staying there for maybe ten days at a time, during school holidays.
He had always been a determined person, arguing his point of view with his sisters and brothers, and if he wanted something, often a present for a member of his family, he would work hard to earn enough for it.
From the time he was eleven Thomas had an intense interest in working with cars and all types of machinery. On one occasion his mother brought a lawn mower which Thomas immediately dismantled, to see how it worked. When he reassembled it, it worked, but perhaps not just quite as well as before!
As he grew older, his fascination for engines grew stronger. He got his driving license as soon as he was old enough, and got his own car. He used to travel all over the place to watch stock-car racing, particularly at Aghadowey near Coleraine, in North Derry, and once he even got his own stock-car for a while.
At weekends he used to go to local dances in neighbouring towns and villages such as Ardboe and Clady. Usually, if it was ceilidh dancing, he had to be dragged along, but he enjoyed it once he was there.
REPUBLICAN
Yet, though full of life, there was a serious, reflective side to Thomas too.
He enjoyed playing records, often of traditional music, sometimes of republican ballads, at a time when the ‘troubles’ had barely begun. Even before 1969, the McElwees, including Thomas, would sometimes go to folk concerts in the village where many of the ballads recalled the tradition of resistance to British mis-rule.
Given that background and Thomas’ personal qualities of courage and concern for his neighbours it was not surprising that he joined na Fianna Eireann when he was only fourteen, and subsequently joined the independent unit led by his cousin, Francis Hughes, which concentrated on defence of the local area and ambushes of British forces, before it was recruited in its entirety, after a period of time, into the IRA.
The following few years, before Thomas’ capture in October ’76, were active ones in the South Derry area with a succession of successful bomb blitzes of the commercial centres of towns like Magherafelt, Bellaghy, Castledawson, and Maghera, and a high level of ambushes and booby-traps which made the British forces reluctant to wander into the country lanes surrounding Bellaghy.
Thomas had a reputation of a dedicated and principled republican who knew what he was about, and knew moreover what he was fighting to ultimately achieve. He was particularly interested in local republican history and knew what had happened in Bellaghy and the surrounding areas over the past fifty years.
COLLEGE
Because of his discretion as a republican, and, doubtless, good luck as well, Thomas – unlike Francis Hughes – was not forced to go ‘on the run’ and continued to live at home.
After leaving school he had gone to Magherafelt technical college for a while, but later changed his mind and went to Ballymena training centre to begin an apprenticeship as a motor mechanic. But harassment from loyalist workers there forced him to leave and he then went to work with a local mechanic.
Although not ‘on the run’ Thomas was still subject to the extreme harassment at the hands of the Brits and the RUC that began to be felt in the area in the mid-seventies, even before the IRA’s military campaign in the South Derry countryside, led by Francis Hughes, began to bite deep against the occupation
forces.
Like many young men, whenever Thomas went out he was liable to be stopped for lengthy periods of time along empty country roads, searched, maybe threatened, and abused.
RAIDS
There were also house raids
The McElwees’ home was first raided in 1974, and Thomas was arrested under Section 10, for three days. That time it was over twenty-four hours later before the family learned that Thomas was being held in Ballykelly interrogation centre. On another occasion, both he and Benedict were arrested, and taken to Coleraine barracks, after a raid on their home.
The last time that the family would be together, however, was on the evening of October 8th, 1976. That evening the ‘Stations’ took place in the McElwees’ home, a country tradition where Mass is said in one house in every townland during Lent, and during the month of October. That month in Tamlaghtduff it was taking place in the McElwees’s and most of the neighbours were there as well. After the Mass there was a social evening, with food and music.
The following afternoon – Bernadette’s birthday – at 1.30 p.m. on October 9th, Kathleen answered the phone, to be told that both their brothers Thomas and Benedict were in the Wavery hospital in Ballymena following a premature bomb explosion in a car in the town, shortly beforehand.
EXPLOSION
In the explosion, Thomas lost his right eye, while two other Bellaghy men were also injured: Colm Scullion, losing several toes and Sean McPeake, losing a leg.
Benedict McElwee, fortunately, suffered only from shock and superficial burns. Following the explosion, several other republicans in the town were arrested, later to be charged. These included Dolores O’Neill, from Portglenone, Thomas’ girlfriend, and Ann Bateson, from Toomebridge, both of whom joined the protest in Armagh women’s jail.
Thomas was transferred from the Ballymena hospital to the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast for emergency surgery to save his remaining eye. It was three weeks, however before he was able to see at all.
After six weeks he was transferred again, this time to the military wing of the Musgrave Park hospital, where Benedict also was. One week before Christmas, both brothers were charged and sent to Crumlin Road jail.
At their subsequent trial in September 1977, having spent over eight months on remand in Crumlin Road, Thomas was convicted, although he made no statements, not only of possession of explosives but also of the killing of a woman who accidentally died in a bomb attack elsewhere in Ballymena that day and with which other republicans were also charged.
That ‘murder’ conviction was, on appeal, reduced to manslaughter but a twenty-year sentence remained, and Thomas returned to the blanket protest he had joined immediately after his trial, in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh.
BRUTALITY
Their imprisonment was particularly harsh for the McElwee brothers who were frequently singled out for brutality by prison warders, outraged at the stubborn refusal of the two to accept any form of criminal status.
For a while they were able to keep in touch with each other as they were both in H6 Block, but they were split up and had hardly any opportunity to see each other at all for over two years.
Both Thomas and Benedict have been frequently mentioned in recent years in smuggled communications detailing beatings meted out to blanket men. On one occasion Thomas was put on the boards for fourteen days for refusing to call a prison warder ‘sir’. In a letter smuggled out to his sister Mary, one time, Benedict wrote of the imprint of a warder’s boot on his back and arms after a typical assault.
Throughout, though, the brutality and degradation they had to endure served only to deepen yet further, and harder, their resistance to criminalisation.
The McElwee family weren’t surprised last December when they discovered that both Thomas and Benedict had joined the thirty-strong hunger strike, as Sean McKenna neared death, but even then the partial breakdown in communications between H Blocks at that critical time meant that the family learnt first that Benedict was going on hunger strike, only to be informed an hour and a half later that Thomas was going on the fast too.
HUNGER STRIKE
Speaking of the hunger strike and her sons and their comrades during Thomas’ strike, Mrs. McElwee said: “I know Thomas and Benedict would be determined to stand up for their rights. In the Blocks one will stand for another. If this hunger strike isn’t settled one way or another they’ll all go the same way. There’ll never be peace in this country.”
Thomas McElwee died at 11.30 a.m. on Saturday, August 8th. Indicative of the callousness of the British government towards prisoners and their families alike neither had the comfort of each other’s presence at that tragic moment. He died after 62 days of slow agonising hunger strike with no company other than prison warders – colleagues of those who had brutalised, degraded and tortured him for three-and-a-half years.
Posted by Jim on August 2, 2015
Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness has travelled to Washington DC this week
to ask for US assistance to prevent British welfare cuts being
implemented in the north of Ireland.
The US administration has received contrasting assessments of the
political crisis that threatens the power-sharing institutions set up
under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, as the British government’s Direct
Ruler in Ireland also travelled to Washington for talks.
Theresa Villiers announced her visit shortly after Martin McGuinness
announced his, but insisted her visit had been scheduled for months.
Power-sharing between nationalists and unionists in Belfast remains in
danger of collapse due to a bitter row over the implementation of
welfare cuts which were agreed as part of the Stormont House Agreement,
agreed in December.
Without an agreement, the British government could move to withdraw
welfare powers from Stormont, returning such decisions to Villiers and
her officials.
The welfare stalemate has put a number of other outstanding issues from
the Good Friday Agreement on the backburner, such as truth and justice
over state killings, the right to live free form sectarian harassment,
recognition of the Irish language, and Sinn Fein’s call for a Six County
‘border poll’.
The perennially deadlocked Stormont administration has recently been hit
by a wave of scandals over corruption and malfeasance by politicians and
officials. A seven million pound sum uncovered in an offshore account
has been linked to a shady deal with a US vulture fund, while millions
of pounds of public funds which have been frittered away on local ‘pork
barrel’ projects or siphoned off by loyalist crime gangs.
“The British government will not finance a more generous welfare system
in Northern Ireland than in the rest of the UK”, Villiers declared,
before her departure.
“The US remains the UK’s closest ally… The Stormont House Agreement
remains the best hope for building a brighter, more secure future for
Northern Ireland. But for that to happen, the agreement needs to be
implemented in full. I will be looking for continued US support for
that,” she said.
Mr McGuinness met the Friends of Ireland caucus on Capitol Hill, the
State Department and other senior administration officials. After
meeting with State Department officials at the White House, he described
the encounter as “positive and encouraging”.
“The US administration clearly remains engaged with the political
process in the north and they continue to play a constructive role,” he
said.
“At the meeting I made it clear to them that the institutions of the
Good Friday Agreement, which have underpinned the peace process for
almost two decades, are facing a real crisis as a result of the policies
of this British government.
“The political institutions, and the progress we have made over the last
two decades of the peace process, are under a real threat and it is my
hope that the US administration can encourage the British government to
take a more positive approach on dealing with the North.”
It is feared that without a breakthrough the devolved institutions could
collapse. In late June a “pretend” budget was passed, with the goal of
sustaining the institutions into the autumn, in the hope that before the
crisis point was reached the impasse over welfare reform could be
resolved.
Unionists have accused McGuinness of “looking over his shoulder at the
Irish Republic election” and said he should make “tough decisions” on
welfare cuts.
DUP finance minister Arlene Foster said Martin McGuinness’s trip was a
“waste of time” because “Westminster of course is in charge of our
budget”.
‘UNDEFEATED’ IRA
This week has also seen the subdued anniversary of a Provisional IRA
statement which formally ended its campaign, ten years ago.
Speaking ahead of the anniversary, the British Prime Minister David
Cameron raised heckles when he spoke about how ‘British resolve saw off
the IRA’.
In response, Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adam said the claim that the
Provisional IRA had been defeated was a ‘distortion’.
“More than 20 years ago, in one of the defining developments of modern
Irish history, the IRA announced a total cessation of military
activities,” he said.
“The subsequent success of the peace process and the transformation of
politics across this island and between Ireland and Britain were the
result of the efforts, commitment, political courage, determination and
personal engagement by the key players.”
Mr Adams, who met Cameron in mid-July as part of a Sinn Fein delegation,
said the British PM had shown a “worrying ignorance” of the political
process in the Six Counties.
“The reality is that the IRA was never defeated and that again and again
it was Irish republicans, including the IRA leadership, which took bold
steps to bolster the peace process and to maintain positive political
momentum.
“Ten years ago this week, on 28 July, 2005, the IRA formally ended its
armed campaign and gave its support to purely peaceful and democratic
means of achieving republican objectives.
“David Cameron would do well to understand that it was such initiatives
which broke the long cycle of conflict and opened up new political
possibilities.
“However, the progress that was made over many years is now in severe
jeopardy, not least because of the attitude of Mr Cameron.”
