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Wednesday, August 19, 2026

Winnie Carney, ‘Typist With the Webley’ and Connolly Confidante

Posted by Jim on August 16, 2015

Posted by That’s Just How It Was

Winifred Carney was born into a large family of eight children in Larne, Bangor, County Down, in 1887. Her siblings were Maud; Mabel; Sarah Cassidy Carnet; Marie Winfred Carney [McBride]; Louis Emanuel; and Alfred and Ernest Carney. When she was a very young child, they family moved to the Falls Road in Belfast [meaning “district of the hedges”] . This is the main road through West Belfast – and its name is synonymous with the Irish republican community in the city.

Her mum owned and ran a small family store, which catered for all the people of this area. Never wealthy, they were none the less classified as ‘comfortable’ and the children were all well-educated, well-dressed and well-fed.

Growing up on the Falls Road with a tradition of rioting, as far back as the 18th century, and way beyond then really, ensured that the children living in this area were immersed into the same traditions as their forefathers. One such riot was in June 1886, following the defeat of the Government Act, when a crowd of around 2,000 local people clashed with the Royal Irish Constabulary. Suffice to say, the police had to barricade themselves in Bowers Hill Barracks.

A long siege followed, in which many locals and officers were hurt and wounded. The residents who live in the many streets that branch off the main artery [Falls Road] — one being the loyalist enclave centered on the Shankill Road — form the five wards of the Court District Electoral Area. Interestingly, some of the streets in the Shanklill area, such as Cambria Street, Brussels Street, and Leopold Street are places that were named after people connected with Belgium or Flanders, where the flax for the linen was grown and transported to Belfast to be woven into linen. It was a thriving industry in this era, with Irish linen being a much sought after commodity all over the world, though in later years it declined.  It was against this background of republicanism that Carney grew up.

She was educated at the Christian Brothers in Donegal Street, Belfast. An able and intelligent student, she thrived at her studies. So much so that she then was admitted into Hughes Commercial Academy and qualified as a secretary and shorthand typist – one of the first women in Ireland to do so in this era.  She then went back to teach at the Christian Brothers School for a short time. She became a clerk. As her diligence to her work and her aptitude for learning and organization skills became known, she found herself much sought after by employers.

Carney became involved in the Gáelic Leagues and joined the suffragists and other socialist activities. By 1912, she had met James Connolly (pictured), who was then based in Belfast. He offered her the post of secretary of the Textile Workers Union. [Officially part of the Irish Women Workers Union — it was in practice the women’s section of the Irish Transport and General Workers Union Belfast.] She then joined the Citizens Army and thereby cemented her place in the 1916 Easter Rising. Privy to all of Connolly’s thoughts and communication, she was, some sources say, James Connolly personified into a woman.

Carney’s whole life was centred around Connolly and the trade union. She became a part of his family, and became friends with his daughter Nora. Whichever historical records one researches, it becomes clear that Carney was invaluable to James Connolly, supporting his work with other revolutionary movements and his meetings with fellow republicans, and employers in his role as the union representative. Nora Connolly had always been beside her father in all his daily work and communications [she provided that much needed support to her father during the Easter Rising — in the General Post Office and Moore Street — with some sources saying that he gave Nora his documents in his final days. Still, Connolly’s life became an open book to Carney — it was she who typed all of his publications, including meeting minutes, and she was privy to all this sometimes well into the night, and thus became his confidante.

In their circle of friends, she became known as the typist with the Webley.

By the beginning of April, Connolly was heavily involved in and had been having discussions with the Irish Republican Brotherhood about the planned rising, so he summoned Carney to Dublin by telegram . She arrived all set and ready for whatever Connolly wanted her to do. In Liberty Hall, she found herself typing dispatches and mobilisation orders. On that fateful Easter Monday morning, Carney was the first woman to arrive before dawn, with her typewriter and her Webley. In their circle of friends, she became known as the typist with the Webley. In the General Post Office, she continued in her role as Connolly’s secretary, writing dispatches and mobilisations orders. When Connolly was wounded, she remained by his side until he was arrested, through all the gunfire and the bombs that set the General Post Office on fire, and his transfer to Gorman’s shop on Moore Street. Gravely wounded, Connolly dictated to Carney his final orders.

Carney and her other colleagues in Cumann mBan were later arrested and taken to Kilmainham Gaol, including Helena Melony and Nell Ryan. They were then transferred to Aylesbury Prison, England. These women tried to revoke their internee status with the privileges it brought so that they could be held as normal prisoners with Countess Markievicz. Their request was denied. They were finally released in December 1916.

After her release, Carney stood as a Sinn Fein candidate, but she lost the election. She continued to work for the Transport and General Workers Union. After the Anglo-Irish Treaty, Carney sided with the anti-treaty forces  and was arrested on numerous occasions for her role in the wide-ranging challenges to the newly formed Free State government.

By 1924 Carney had joined the Northern Ireland Labour Party, and was a committed and dedicated member. In 1928, she met and fell in love with a man named George McBride, who was a Protestant [an Orangeman, and a former UVF officer] – they then got married.  It is ironic that it was the formation of the Ulster Volunteers that prompted the formation of the Irish Volunteers, which Carney had joined. Their relationship, however, was based on a common focus — ‘socialism’.  The lived together quite happily in Carlisle Circus, Belfast, despite the fact that their marriage alienated a lot of people. Such was the bigotry and sectarianism held by both Catholic and Protestant [‘Orangeman’ and ‘Papist’] that in marrying each other they were ostracized from social circles.

She fell in love with a man named George McBride, who was a Protestant [an Orangeman and a former UVF officer] – they then got married.

By 1930 Carney had joined the Belfast Socialist party, where she found like-minded people, comrades who accepted her and her husband. Carney continued to lead an active political life until ill heath overcame her — it was this more than anything else that limited her future political activities.

Historical records note that she was appointed as an adjutant to Connolly [adjutant defined as a staff officer who assists the commanding officer in issuing orders] — this alone should have warranted her place in history books. She was, however, a woman, like the rest of Cumann na mBan,, so her place in history has been overshadowed by the men of this period, who instead have been given iconic status.

Carney — “ the typist with the Webley,” “the silent rebel “ — died in 1943 and is buried in Milltown Cemetery. Some sources suggest that her grave remains unmarked, others advise that her headstone was erected by the National Graves Association, Belfast.

Once again, I endorse the words of Fearghal McGarry, Queen’s University, Belfast. He notes, “There could be worse ways of commemorating Ireland’s revolution than restoring these forgotten women, and the lost ideals that inspired them, to prominence.” Amen to that!

Sláinte.

Failures in ‘Craigavon Two’ judgement outlined

Posted by Jim on

A lawyer for one of two men convicted of an IRA action in March 2009 has
raised fresh concerns about the case.

John Finucane was speaking at an event organised by the Justice for the
Craigavon Two campaign as part of Feile an Phobail, the West Belfast
festival, on Friday.

A PSNI man was shot dead by a Continuity IRA sniper as he answered an
emergency call in Craigavon. Two Craigavon men, Brendan McConville and
John Paul Wootton, are both serving lengthy prison sentences after being
convicted of the attack under ‘joint enterprise’ laws.

Prosecutors have never been able to attribute a role to either man, who
both deny they played any part in the attack.

Other speakers at the event included members of English based campaign
group Jengba – Joint Enterprise Not Guilty by Association – and academic
Kevin Hearty, who spoke about policing in the north.

During the event Mr Finucane, who represents John Paul Wootton, said
that “if the judge isn’t sure what John Paul did then I don’t think he
can be sure beyond a reasonable doubt that he is guilty of a plan to
murder a police officer.

“The role has never been described,” he said. “The judge made reference
at the trial that it was some sort of logistical support after the
event.

“At the appeal that changed to some type of logistical support either
before or after.

“I don’t think you need to be a lawyer to have concerns that is
exceptionally vague.

“Again it ties John Paul into an act, a conspiracy which really there is
very little evidence for.”

Mr Finucane is a son of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane who was
murdered by loyalists in collusion with the British Crown forces in
February 1989.

A two-tier policing and justice system

Posted by Jim on

By Peter Kearney (for interpolitiks.wordpress.com)

The 2015 Anti Internment League’s (AIL) march against internment took
place in north Belfast at 2:30 pm on Sunday 9 August to oppose “the
unjust imprisonment of Republicans via internment by remand, revocation
of license and miscarriage of justice to stand as one in opposition to
this British policy in Ireland”.

This year’s march only managed to travel 500 metres from Ardoyne Avenue
to the junction of Old Park Road and Rosapenna Street. It was at this
point that it was stopped by a cordon of PSNI (Police Service of
Northern Ireland), in space-age riot gear, armed with shields, batons
and guns standing between a line of heavily fortified land rovers. This
line was backed up by several other PSNI land rovers to the rear and at
least one water canon truck.

This years march brings to light that a two tier system of policing and
justice may well be in place in the north of Ireland.

This AIL parade was to be the only republican parade of the year to
march through Belfast yet it was still refused full permission by the
Parades Commission (PC). Each year and several times per year, Orange
Order (OO) parades march through the city centre while violating the PC
conditions they march and in a sectarian manner.

Furthermore, as witnessed at the recent 12th July march in Ardoyne, a
member of the OO attempted to murder his republican neighbours by
driving a car into a crowd of on-lookers. He injured two, hospitalizing
a teenage girl in the process. He was released on bail soon after being
arrested and going to court. Contrast that with the imprisonment of
Irish Republicans, for months and sometimes years on end, with no court
appearance and based simply on the word of a police officer. This is a
mere snapshot of how justice and policing is administered in the north
of Ireland.

The Parades Commission (PC) ruling that this march would be blocked
unless it was in and out of Belfast city centre by 1:30pm was an
impossible task. Especially when organisers had already decided to begin
at 2:30pm. Hence the march was blocked.

So why would they not just march at 1:30 and have done with it? The
march would have gone ahead, with full PSNI protection, and for the
second year in a row Republicans would have marched through Belfast city
centre. This would demonstrate a gathering of momentum. The parade goes
through again next year and the year after that and could eventually
lead to the climate being as it should always have been – loyalists
respecting the right of their Republican and Catholic neighbours to
march in their own city.

But march organisers claim they had already accommodated the PC by
moving the march from a busy shopping Saturday to a quieter Sunday. They
also moved the time of their march to 2:30 to accommodate the
Ballymurphy Massacre march taking place in Belfast that day. Republicans
may indeed argue that the need for this parade is based on the fact that
they already move too much. Therefore asking the PC to accommodate their
2:30 start would not be unreasonable.

As this journalist witnessed, this march was a peaceful march.
Furthermore the marchers have no history of violence on such marches and
it was billed as a ‘human rights march’ by organisers. In fact, on more
than one occasion, the marchers have been subject to attack and abuse
from British loyalist groups who have targeted the march in the past.

PRESENT DAY INTERNMENT

The AIL believe that since internment was officially reintroduced in
Ireland in 1971 (as it had been in de facto use since at least the
1920s), that it has never been fully revoked. While internment in
Ireland today may not be as brutal or obvious as it was in the 1970s,
like the ‘The Hooded Men’ – they claim it still exists through use of
remand, revocation of license and miscarriage of justice.

The AIL are Irish Republicans who oppose the Good Friday Agreement
(GFA), follow on agreements to the GFA and the British presence in
Ireland. Internment was reintroduced by the British in August 1971 in
Ireland to arrest and imprison, without trial, anyone they believed to
be in the IRA. In fact very few of those arrested were members of the
IRA. Internment served only to harass and persecute the Republican
community and swell the numbers of the IRA.

REMAND

Today, the AIL believe, that both the British and Irish administrations
in Ireland are implementing internment by remanding Republican activists
in prison on spurious charges. Republicans are later freed, without any
charge, but with severe limitations placed upon their freedom. These
restrictions include, prohibiting them from speaking to the media or
expressing their opinions publicly.

Republican activists believe the intention is to remove them from the
political sphere and to weaken republican activism and protest against
the Good Friday Agreement and British institutions in the north of
Ireland.

Stephen Murney and Dee Fennell are recent examples but the list is much
longer.

LICENSE

Additionally, Republicans have been interned through the revocation of
their license, which granted their release from prison under the Good
Friday Agreement. Revocation of this license returns them to prison. One
such case was that of Marian Price, even though she had never been
released on license but on royal pardon. Martin Corey is another such example.

It is on this basis that Irish republicans march against what they
perceive as internment. They do so as close to 9 August as possible, to
commemorate the date the British government reintroduced internment
without trial in Ireland in 1971.

MISCARRIAGE OF JUSTICE

One further and arguably more sinister way in which internment is
implemented, according to those in the AIL, is through miscarriages of
justice. The most publicized of these cases is that of Brendan
McConville and John Paul Wootton – The Craigavon Two – #JFTC2

Jailed for the killing of PSNI Constable Stephen Carroll in March 2009,
campaigners believe the evidence against them is flimsy and their
imprisonment unjust. And despite the continued concerns about the
conviction of the Craigavon Two – Fresh Concerns for the Craigavon Two –
they remain on the inside.

These are the main reasons the AIL believe internment is still being
used as a tool by the British authorities in Ireland against those who
oppose their presence.

RECENT MARCHES

These points were raised again at this years march as they had been at
previous marches. In recent years, the 2013 AIL march was marred by
British loyalist violence and was re-routed as a result.

The 2014 rally was relatively peaceful yet it was still attacked by
British Loyalist protestors as it passed through Royal Avenue in Belfast
city centre. The PSNI, again in full riot gear, stood and watched
Republican marchers while standing with their backs to the loyalist mob
on Royal Avenue, that threw missiles, bangers and other projectiles at
the marchers.

The PSNI made no attempt to tackle loyalist protestors or prevent them
from attacking the passing republican parade. Again a two-tier approach
in operation.

When this years march was blocked by Robocop styled PSNI riot squad
there were already countless PSNI land rovers policing the area before,
during and surprisingly afterwards. What was also surprising was the
shut down of Belfast city centre. As my taxi driver said “it’s like the
70s in the city centre”.

Notwithstanding the heavy and semi militarised police presence the
parade was peaceful. Organisers had called for this beforehand and had
asked those with non-peaceful intentions to stay well away. Organisers
even removed one of their marchers, holding the Irish tricolour, who had
made his way onto the bonnet of a PSNI land rover in the police cordon.

Once marchers arrived at the police cordon, the announcement came over
the loudspeakers, as was posted on police signage, that the march could
proceed no further. This met with chants and boos from the crowd but
this was to be the height of the disturbances.

Shortly afterwards speeches were made by one of the organisers and a
Donegal Councillor, Micheal Colm Mac Giolla Easbuig, from the Gaeltacht
region in Donegal. Immediately after these speeches one of the
organisers announced that this was the end of the march and they would
now be dispersing. He asked that everybody do so peacefully. Everybody
followed suit.

Shortly afterwards I noticed, as I conducted my final interview after
the march, that an eerie silence descended as all participants had
dispersed. We were one of the last people left in the area. After this
interview we went on our way and walked for about 10-15 minutes before
getting into a car to leave. We drove around for some time, as most
roads were blocked with traffic leaving Ardoyne, so we had to return to
Old Park Road to get to the Falls Road, where I had parked my car.

It was now at least one hour since the march had ended and some time had
passed since everybody left the Old Park Road/Rosapenna Street junction.
It is therefore surprising that the police still remained. The bands and
marchers had long since dispersed so their presence was no longer
required. Why did the police remain there for so long after the march
had ended and people had dispersed? Why were they still so heavily
armed? Did this in any way contribute to provoking a response from local
youths?

When I returned to the Old Park Road area at that time I witnessed some
stone and missile throwing at the police which, by Belfast standards,
was hardly noteworthy. What was noteworthy was the heavy police
presence, the armory they carried and the deployment of a water cannon
truck. I could see little justification for such a presence,
particularly as everybody had left at that time.

Contrast that scene with the scene, 5 minutes away, at the Twaddle
interface. A mere handful of police stood without riot helmets, shields
or batons in front of the loyalist mob gathered there. However, Police
land rovers swooped into the Twaddell area as they noticed that the
Republican marchers were heading towards the shops opposite Twaddell.
The shops area is in a predominantly republican area. Land rovers
swooped in to prevent marchers marching in their own area and on their
own streets and little or no police presence to block loyalists. Again
two tier.

Despite the peaceful nature of the march this is how one Dublin media
outlet reported on it. A similar approach was taken by Belfast outlets

It needs to be remembered that roughly 60% of all parades held in the
north of Ireland are OO or OO related. The vast majority of these are
contentious yet still they march through city centres and through
catholic and republican neighbourhoods. Little is done about their PC
breaches – Parades Commission report 2012 and flash points such as
Drumcree and Twaddell are still tolerated.

Everybody has a right to march through their own city centre and through
their own neighbourhoods. As I witnessed at yesterday’s Anti-Internment
march, the police presence at that time was unwarranted and could have
been provocative. A pregnant woman was manhandled in the most brutal
fashion into the back of a police land rover and the city was put into a
military styled shut down.

While not as brutal as in the past, it would appear as if a two tier
police and justice system – one rule for Irish Republicans and another,
much more lenient one, for the pro British community – is in force today
in the north of Ireland. And this time it has the approval of certain
Republican parties.

Why “No Irish Need Apply” truth is so important for Irish America by Niall O’Dowd

Posted by Jim on

\"We

We need to unashamedly reclaim that legacy for what it is: A magnificent emigrant success story

Rebecca Fried, a 14-year-old Washington, D.C. schoolgirl, has done the Irish American community a great service by exposing the recent myth propelled by a professor that “No Irish Need Apply” signs did not exist except in isolated incidents.

Rebecca’s challenge was to Professor Richard Jensen of the University of Illinois, who had written a deeply influential paper in 2002 that argued that the number of such signs and advertisements had been greatly exaggerated.

His thesis became accepted fact in many corners of academia — until Rachel Fried took it head on.

As The Washington Post, Smithsonian magazine and the Daily Beast all reported, Rebecca with a simple Google search and some old fashioned research found quite the opposite — including evidence that there were violent incidents around such ads.

 Our sister publication IrishCentral issued a call to readers to send in examples they knew of, and soon we soon had over 1,400 cases documented, starting in 1828 and including signs as far away as Alaska and Australia.
 Why is all this important? The Irish community is entitled to the historic truth about what our ancestors faced when they first came to America.

Many came in coffin ships. The only emigrants worse off were the blacks from Africa who came in chains.

Yet there has been a loose movement, much of it from academia and revisionist Irish sources, to undermine the reality of the Irish emigrant experience in America.

It is a dangerous precedent, rewriting the history of a people who by any standard faced very hard times when they arrived on America’s shores.

 It took a 14-year-old high schooler in Washington to set the record straight on an integral part of that history.

As noted Irish American historian Kerby Miller, author of “Emigrants and Exiles” noted, it was difficult to refute assertions made by Professor Jepsen because many in academia were inclined to believe them because of a cultural bias.

In a week where an Irish bishop compared the plight of drowning African emigrants off Europe’s shores to Ireland’s coffin ships, it seems particularly important to get the historical record straight.

Professor Jepsen in dialogue with Rebecca Fried has refused to acknowledge his paper was incorrect, which seems a very churlish position given the overwhelming evidence.

His refusal makes clear the inherent bias that is indeed there out in academia towards Irish Americans in history.

We need to unashamedly reclaim that legacy for what it is: A magnificent emigrant success story, overcoming huge prejudice and discrimination.

Remember the signs lasted well into the 20th century, yet by 1960 an Irish American was in the White House in the person of JFK.

It was an epic journey and we should never forget the facts. A big thank you to Rebecca Fried for setting the truth free.

Racist Attack on Former Republican Prisoner

Posted by Jim on August 14, 2015

 

It is an odious occurrence that a former republican prisoner who is currently a writer has had his home laid siege to in West Belfast. Tim Brannigan was not subject to attack because he had served time or by people opposed to what he actually writes – they might not even be able to read, such is their penchant for the Neanderthal lifestyle. He was targeted because he is black. His home was bricked and bottled while abuse about his skin colour was vented by a gathering of purportedly bonfire revellers but who were not outside his house for the purpose of revelling, but for that of reviling the black man inside.

Had the mob thought about it, they might have noticed the parallels between themselves and the images and footage of others attired with white robes and hoods as they on occasion amassed outside the homes of black families in the southerly states of the USA. Then they are probably not the type given to thinking and maybe if they were they would regard it as something to be proud of, seeing themselves as the Continuity KKK or something.The PSNI are treating it as a hate crime, something Brannigan is adamant about, stating that his home was attacked by “thugs and racists“. What else is it other than a hate crime? What else are the attackers other than thugs and racists?

The attack went on for three hours which has to raise questions about the deficiency in service of policing that is being delivered to the area. It also seems incredible that given the concentration of former republican prisoners in West Belfast, regardless of where their allegiances now lie or what groups they are aligned to – or none – they appear to have been unable to band together and defend the Brannigan home from racist attack.

It is galling to think that anybody is subject to that type of prejudice and hate, made more stinging for former republican prisoners to rue that one of their own number from the days of the H Blocks is not safe from racist attack in the heart of West Belfast. It resonates jarringly of Nazi gangs attacking Jewish people in Israel.

It is facile to explain away violence against people dismissed as ‘foreigners” as something only loyalist communities have a penchant for. Nationalist areas are not, as Brannigan observed, without their own virulence.

My own nationalist and republican community has a healthier attitude. More progressive and open-minded, I would suggest, but by no means is it unblemished.

In the same piece, five years ago, written for the Guardian, Brannigan gave an indication that West Belfast is not some racism-free paradise.

I was born in Belfast and I am black. I endured a barrage of racist abuse over decades from British soldiers and the police. With a Falls Road upbringing in a republican family and a seven-year jail term spent in the H-Blocks during the 1990s, I’d have thought my bona fides as an Irishman were pretty impeccable. To this day, though, the question I hear most is: “Where are you from?” When I tell people I’m from Belfast, they invariably throw in the supplementary: “Where are you really from?” There’s no way an Irish person could possibly be black is the unspoken subtext.

What happened at the weekend is a despicable act of racist violence against a black guy in West Belfast. There is no other way to see it. As Tim Brannigan rightly points out he is a card carrying member of the West Belfast community, he is “not here to be tolerated.”

Tim Brannigan is author of Where Are You Really From?

from The Pensive Quill