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Mayor de Blasio does not want to be associated with New York’s Irish Catholic citizens

Posted by admin on February 5, 2014

by  as printed in Irish Central

Newly elected New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio’s decision not to march in the New York St.Patrick’s Parade on March 17 has met with mixed reaction in Irish circles. A gay Irish leader has praised the decision, but others have disagreed with it.

De Blasio told a press conference on Tuesday that he will not march in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade on Fifth Avenue this March 17 because it excludes gay groups from marching.  This marks the first time in 20 years that a mayor of New York has refused to march in the annual event on Fifth Avenue, one of the biggest parades in the world.

“I am not planning on marching in the parade,” the mayor said. “I haven’t in the past in my capacity as an elected official. I will be participating in a number of other events to honor the Irish heritage of this city and the contributions of Irish Americans. But I simply disagree with the organizers of that parade in their exclusion of some individuals in this city.”

The mayor was commenting on the parade’s decades-old ban preventing Irish LGBT organizations from marching under their own banners in the annual parade.

Although he is personally refusing to march in the Fifth Avenue parade, de Blasio has denied a plea from gay rights groups to ban city workers from wearing their uniforms at the parade. The request was made by LGBT rights groups and elected officials, including two City Council members and Letitia James, the new public advocate, who penned an open letter with fellow supporters to de Blasio this week in the Gay City News.

“The presence of uniformed police and firefighters in such a procession sends a clear signal to LGBTQ New Yorkers that these personnel, who are charged with serving and protecting all New Yorkers, do not respect the lives or safety of LGBT people,” they wrote.

“We are asking you to direct all city departments not to organize marchers for or allow personnel to participate in this anti-LGBTQ procession either in uniform or with any banner that identifies them with the city.”

But de Blasio will not take that step.  “I believe that uniformed city workers have the right to participate if they choose to, and I respect that right,” he said.  “I respect the right of our city workers to march in uniform – period.”

Conservative activist Bill Donohue of the Catholic League told the Irish Voice he was delighted to hear the mayor would not participate in the main parade.

“This is the first time in New York City history that its mayor has decided to boycott the St. Patrick’s Day parade. Personally, I am delighted,” Donohue said.

“I lead the Catholic League contingent every year, and I do not want to march with a public official who does not want to be associated with Irish Catholics.

“I’ve had it with this guy,” Donohue continued. “He has a nominating committee and he brings in an imam, a rabbi, two ministers and no priests. Catholics are 52 percent of the New York City population and this guy believes in diversity and he sticks it to us?

“And now he says he doesn’t want to march in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade? He can do like the others do. If you feel some sympathy to homosexuals go march in Queens.”

Asked if it was correct to believe that Irish gay rights groups would not be welcome to march in the New York City parade now or in the future under their own banners Donohue replied, “ Yes. Now, if they want to blend in they can join in with the Catholic League. I don’t go around asking, it’s none of my business what people do in bed.”

Donohue concluded that the participation of gay Irish groups could potentially lead to conflict.

“The mayor says he won’t accede to the request by gay activists to ban city workers from marching. So kind of him – otherwise he would be looking at an insurrection,” Donohue said.

New York physician Dr. Kevin Cahill, who led the New York City parade as grand marshal in 2000, told the Irish Voice on Tuesday that he regretted de Blasio’s decision.

“In this era of Pope Francis and the success of the Irish peace process we see the extraordinary impact that dialogue can bring about. We clearly need it very badly in this instance,” Cahill said. “Absenting himself is not a solution.”

Brendan Fay, longtime community activist and the co-organizer of the inclusive St. Pat’s For All Parade in Queens however praised de Blasio’s stance.

“Today Mayor de Blasio took this issue a historic step further in stating that as mayor he would not be marching on Fifth Avenue because of its clear policy of discrimination against LGBT Irish groups,” Fay told the Irish Voice.

“Throughout Ireland and the U.S. there are a growing number of St. Patrick’s parades that don’t discriminate. In Seattle, Buffalo and Fort Lauderdale and in Dublin, Cork and Galway the parades include LGBT groups. In fact a gay group won the best float in the parade in Dublin.”

Fay said he has not yet heard from de Blasio’s office about his participation in the annual inclusive St. Pat’s For All parade that will be held in Sunnyside and Woodside in Queens on Sunday, March 2.

Fay feels that the only real surprise about the latest developments in the longstanding parade feud is how long it has endured.

“I never thought that 15 years after we organized our first inclusive St. Patrick’s Day parade that we’d still be dealing with this standoff,” said Fay.

“The Fifth Avenue parade is the biggest, most historic and prestigious Irish celebration in the world. And here is the mayor of our city saying he will not attend it because of its policy of discrimination. It’s an embarrassment for the Irish community in New York City.

“This story goes out across the world. This is not who we are. What are we going to do about it?”

Remember Derry

Posted by Jim on January 30, 2014

  • John (Jackie) Duddy. Shot in the chest in the car park of Rossville flats. Four witnesses stated Duddy was unarmed and running away from the paratroopers when he was killed. Three of them saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. He is the uncle of the Irish boxer John Duddy.[34]
         Patrick Joseph Doherty. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville flats. Doherty was the subject of a series of photographs, taken before and after he died by French journalist Gilles Peress. Despite testimony from “Soldier F” that he had fired at a man holding and firing a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs showed Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.[34][37]
  • Bernard McGuigan. Shot in the back of the head when he went to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief at the soldiers to indicate his peaceful intentions.[6]
  • Hugh Pius Gilmour. Shot through his right elbow, the bullet then entering his chest as he ran from the paratroopers on Rossville Street.[34] Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed, and that tests for gunshot residue were negative.[6]
  • Kevin McElhinney. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety at the front entrance of the Rossville Flats. Two witnesses stated McElhinney was unarmed.[34]
  • Michael Gerald Kelly. Shot in the stomach while standing near the rubble barricade in front of Rossville Flats. Widgery accepted that Kelly was unarmed.[34]
  • John Pius Young. Shot in the head while standing at the rubble barricade. Two witnesses stated Young was unarmed.[34]
  • William Noel Nash. Shot in the chest near the barricade. Witnesses stated Nash was unarmed and going to the aid of another when killed.[34]
  • Michael M. McDaid. Shot in the face at the barricade as he was walking away from the paratroopers. The trajectory of the bullet indicated he could have been killed by soldiers positioned on the Derry Walls.[34]
  • James Joseph Wray. Wounded then shot again at close range while lying on the ground. Witnesses who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal stated that Wray was calling out that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time.[34]
  • Gerald Donaghey. Shot in the stomach while attempting to run to safety between Glenfada Park and Abbey Park. Donaghey was brought to a nearby house by bystanders where he was examined by a doctor. His pockets were turned out in an effort to identify him. A later police photograph of Donaghey’s corpse showed nail bombs in his pockets. Neither those who searched his pockets in the house nor the British army medical officer (Soldier 138) who pronounced him dead shortly afterwards say they saw any bombs. Donaghey had been a member of Fianna Éireann, an IRA-linked Republican youth movement.[34] Paddy Ward, a police informer[38] who gave evidence at the Saville Inquiry, claimed that he had given two nail bombs to Donaghey several hours before he was shot dead.[39]
  • Gerard (James) McKinney. Shot just after Gerald Donaghey. Witnesses stated that McKinney had been running behind Donaghey, and he stopped and held up his arms, shouting “Don’t shoot! Don’t shoot!”, when he saw Donaghey fall. He was then shot in the chest.[34]
  • William Anthony McKinney. Shot from behind as he attempted to aid Gerald McKinney (no relation). He had left cover to try to help Gerald.[34]
  • John Johnston. Shot in the leg and left shoulder on William Street 15 minutes before the rest of the shooting started.[34][40] Johnston was not on the march, but on his way to visit a friend in Glenfada Park.[40] He died 4½ months later; his death has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. He was the only one not to die immediately or soon after being shot.[34]

Irish words litter New York City slang

Posted by Jim on January 28, 2014

by Brendan Patrick Keane @irishcentral January 23,2010

Just before he died, Daniel Cassidy released a pioneering book that begins to prove how American slang has a root in the Irish American urban experience.

As usual, snoots would rather fall on the side of error than to end the kibosh on ascribing Irish origins to any aspect of Anglo-American society.

Ireland has a native civilization older than England or France, and it has out-proportioned contributions to modernist culture, but it is more usually described as derivative rather than an originator of trends. Despite stubborn refusal, “jazz” and “poker”, “moolah” and “spunk” all derive from Irish Gaelic, which was used in New York by the Irish like Yiddish and Spanglish was used later-on in the city.

Some dismiss these theories without any real understanding of the Irish Gaelic language. They existentially must disallow the language had mixed with English – jerks without the knack to dig it. Others dismiss the theories in loyalty to academia’s wine and cheese status quo, and don’t wish to seem too maverick, or too “street,” like Cassidy who had an unabashed Brooklyn accent. There’s an element of snobbery involved in the outright refusal many swells have for this working stiff’s tome.

Cassidy was among those who have begun to case the hidden history, anyway, and show how gambling slang, underworld lingo, street gang terms, street-wise cant, merchant code and political jargon in New York City is teeming with Irish Gaelic that melted into American English.

Fellow politically-minded academics present English history and culture as being spic and span of Irish influence, and so ignore impulsively, both Irish American slang-smiths in the modern period and Irish Gaelic teachers who taught the early Medieval English how to read and write. They prefer to label Irish words in English as unknown, or originated in more swank cultures like Latin or French. It’s basic prejudice on the side of the common hegemony, rooted in ignorance.

This is a small taste compiled from Daniel Cassidy’s boss book, “How the Irish Invented Slang”, and from Niall Ó Donaill’s “Foclóir Gaeilge-Béarla”.

We don’t normally exclaim “Gee whiz” or “Gee whilikers” anymore. We associate such talk with a classic time in New York, when Irish Gaelic was the secret language of the slums, an Irish Gaelic word which means ‘s slom é, or “it’s bleak.” In the slums it was common to hear Irish people say Dia Thoilleachas, Gee Hillukus, which became Gee Whilikers, and means the “will of God.” “Gee” is the approximate pronunciation of Dia, or the Irish word for God. “Holy cow” means Holy Cathú or Holy Cahoo or Holy Grief. “Darn” is another Gaelic exclamation. In Irish you say daithairne ort, which means, “darn on you” or “misfortune on you.” Gee whiz comes from Dia Uas or Geeuh Woous which means “noble god.”

Irish love words were once all over pop songs pumped out from Tin Pan Alley. “Mother Macree”, or mother of my heart, was a huge hit from those early days of pop. A big name in early popular theater, was Irishman Dion Boucicault who wrote ‘The Streets of New York”, and included lots of Gaelic in the titles and dialogue of his blockbusters.

Irish pet names like peata, or pet, are still current, as is báb or bawb, which is babe today.

Love songs were published as sheet music for people to sing to at the piano, and it was commonplace to hear Irish pet names like Avourneen, Mavourneen, Acushla, Agrah and other lovely words like that

The Irish were pioneers in pop culture, and they littered American popular entertainment from Mother Macree to Huckleberrry Finn with snippets of their language.

If you want to cully support, you’re calling on your cuallaí, or friends to help you. In modern Irish, collaí has the sense of being carnal or sexual.

If you want to gather people together you make a ballyhoo about the gathering, which in Irish is bailliú, and pronounced like ballyhoo. You might use a slogan in your ballyhoo to promote the gathering, as slogan comes from slua ghairm, the yell of a crowd or a battle-cry. Ballyhoo entered the language at the circus, where Irish people would use slogans to make ballyhoo about a new show everyone should come out and see. Buddy is another Irish Gaelic word, which comes from the Irish expression, a vuddy, or a bhodaigh, which means something like “pal.” The root of the word bhodaigh is strangely, bod, which is the Irish word for penis, and pronounced like bud.

Speaking of body parts, the Irish put their Gaelic mark all over the stiff, or corpse, which comes from the word staf or “big guy.” If someone has their snoot in the air, they’re acting like snoots, which comes from the Irish expression snua aird or when someone appears to be on high, and is acting like a swank swell with his nose in the air.

Swank is the Irish word somhaoineach or “valuable” in disguise. Swell is the word sóúil or “luxurious” dolled up to suit the English speaker. If you kick a rich guy in the can, you’re kicking him in his ceann which is the “extremity” of a thing, and also “head,” which is at the other end from the tail end.

Dogs comes from do chos your feet. The vulgar word for the vagina, pussy, isn’t so bad, it just means pus or pouty lips in Irish Gaelic. It’s a descriptive term, and not insulting. Mug, however, is insulting, and the common phrase “ugly mug” comes from the word muic, which means pig.

Irish Gaelic was a secret language in Éire, which was once an Ireland riddled with foreign spies, and so it was a language to keep the copper (the catcher, the thinker) from catching on. Cop comes from ceapaim, and means “I catch, think etc.” You try to keep the cop from figuring out your racket, or your reacaireacht, your “dealing, selling or gossiping.”

Just like the word bailiff came from the Gaelic word baille for bally or homevillage, the word in New York for the cop on the beat, was the ceap on the béad, the protector on ill-deeds.

Another kind of Big Shot is the racketeer, who can be a cop or a goon – glommers collecting grift – official or underworld. There’s little difference when you boil it down between official thieves and illegal ones, and the Irish knew this, observing the most organized acts of criminality enacted by a dolled up British state, exploiting and criminalizing their own civilization. Big Shot is the Irish word for chief in disguise: seoid, meaning “jewel” or figuratively, “chief.”

Racketeer is also related to the Irish word reachtaire which was the title for the money-taking administrator at a colonial big house or at a church office back in Ireland. On the streets of New York, the racketeer has translated the duties and strategies of the colonizer into street crime rackets for himself–the oppressed learn the methods of oppression better than anyone.

A word that should be brought back is “joint” for place or establishment or room. It’s a word that instantly conjures an entire world of old New York. It comes from the Irish word for protection or shelter, a place with a roof, such as in the root of the Irish word for penthouse, díonteach or jeent-ock.

If you want to ditch a joint, and skedaddle in a jiffy, because some dick has copped on to your whereabouts, you want to de áit a díonteach or de-place a joint, and sciord ar dólámh or make an all out slip in a deifir in a “hurry,” because some dearc or “eye” or PI, has ceaptha or thought or caught on to your whereabouts.

Eugene O’Neill was another huge name in early American pop culture. His plays were also high art, but riddled with Irish themes and language. His favorite word for money was jack, which is a straight-up glom from the Irish tiach, or money or purse. A guy with a jack-roll, was a guy with a wad of cash, spoondoolies or dollars, rolled up. Spoondoolie is one of those old slang words that got resurrected recently in video games, along with Simolions, the currency of Sim City, an urban planning computer fantasy. They’re weird English takes on Irish Gaelic expression for a big pile of money or suim oll amháin.

Not everyone is hip to the process where words in one language get misheard and pronounced differently in the new language. In Irish if you want make sure someone understands your meaning, you say, Diggin tú? It’s a normal phrase you hear at the end of sentences all the time. In America, An duigeann tú? Became Diggin you? or You dig? It takes a certain knack to understand how closely related the concepts and sounds of tuig and dig are to each other.

Most scholars go by their goofy hunch, that tells them that Irish Gaelic is some dead language no one ever spoke. In fact, it was the first language of most Irish Americans that came here in the big flood of Irish after the famine, when that famine adversely targeted Irish-speaking areas first and foremost, sending Irish speakers to America before anyone.

In the anti-Gaelic mind, Irish language is a queer idea, and way too vast a thing to even engage – easier to kill it than to incorporate it into an academic’s repertoire of reference. The academic makes this decision usually because he or she is already burdened with three centuries of censorious English state propaganda about the meaning and origin of Anglo-American civilization, which did not come about like their poets’ tell us it did.

Another reason Irish Gaelic is neglected as an original source for American slang, is because a lot of the street slang that the Irish made up, relates to a world of vice and crime, some Irish would prefer did not exist.

There is shame associated with the destruction of native Irish Gaelic civilization, because the Irish lost their literature and institutions with the victory of the British Empire over their native government. They were impoverished, and took up crime in some instances. The Irish share with Black people and Jews, an urban legacy in America that is not squeaky clean, but rather dirty, like life is dirty when you have no money.

Having street smarts is one way to look at the world realistically, and not be duped by those who would double cross you to take your jag on the personal level or your natural resources on the imperial one. Those who first come to the city as hicks or boobs, come with the law of hospitality firmly entrenched in their hearts, only to awaken from such kindness by the cruelty of urban America. It’s dangerous to be a dork or ninny in the dog eat dog world. That’s why there are so many words for the person-preconditioning, the person before he develops the cop-on that accompanies an ambitious life post-nincumpoop to make it in New York.

One way to wake up is to get slugged in the face and have your jag jacked. The Fighting Irish is a common aptronym that describes the occupation of many a brawler that had to whale on an opponent to survive or climb the ladder leading out of the rat race.

As an organized people, they were sparring with the much better organized establishment. The Irish bickered with the WASP elite until the established order in New York broke down, reformed the sweatshop system of labor in Victorian Anglo-American society, and conceded to the unions and political machines the rights and benefits that created the middle class from the working class that the establishment would have been happy to see slaving away in sweatshops to this day. Instead, the Irish organized and fought for a conception of America that yielded working people an American Dream, a chance to climb out of the slum and into a middle class job and lifestyle.

Lace curtain Irish is a term that describes the middle class Irish who climbed out of the slum into the spic and span homes of the American dream. They left behind a time in American cities when the Irish were smack dab in the middle of street life, theater, pop entertainment and politics. The swells from the WASP tradition who owned the banks and institutions of American society tried everything to defame and prevent the Irish from joining their swank ranks, but that ended, or so the story goes, when JFK broke the barrier that separated the WASP from the Irish, and went from Harvard to the White House, key bastions of the establishment’s institutional power.

One of the ways the Irish got there was by giving up their jazzy speech for the snazzy touch that remade them into crackers and honkies. Although it’s commonplace to describe the Irish today as white establishment members, par excellence, they come from Irish Gaelic roots that put them in the middle of New York street life. We’re comfortable enough now where we can re-engage that original condition, and reclaim for ourselves a key position in the history of American pop entertainment, language and culture.

Taken from the article originally published in 2010.

Dominic McGlinchey Interview with “The Pensive Quill” : Saying What Needs Said

Posted by Jim on January 25, 2014

Dominic McGlinchey Interview: Saying What Needs Said

Friday, January 24, 2014  AM

“Q: What do you say to those people who are unhappy but are pulled the other way by feelings of loyalty?

A: Examine their consciences. Take a good look at what is going on. If they agree – ok. If not then speak out.” – Fourthwrite interview with Brendan Hughes

Dominic McGlinchey Interview: Saying What Needs Said

TPQ features an unedited interview that the republican Dominic McGlinchey gave to Connla Young of the Irish News. The interview initially featured in the paper today, Friday 24 January 2014. The unedited version was provided to TPQ by Dominic McGlinchey.

Well known in anti-agreement circles Dominic McGlinchey has been a staunch opponent of Sinn Fein’s political strategy. But with “little appetite” for armed conflict, the republican activist asks whether the time is right for an end to armed struggle as he urges “conversations” to take place on the future for militant republicanism.

A prominent opponent of Sinn Fein’s political strategy has said there is “little appetite” for armed conflict in nationalist communities in the north.

In a rare interview Dominic McGlinchey urged those opposed Sinn Fein’s strategy to hold a ‘conversation about the future of  the republican movement’ and ‘question the integrity of those standing beside them’.

His comments come after a period of intense debate within anti-agreement circles  about the merits of various republican paramilitary campaigns.

In recent weeks a number of other high profile anti-agreement republicans, including former Provisional IRA hunger strikers Gerard Hodgins and Tommy McKearney, have said it is time for armed republican groups to “reconsider” their campaigns.

Mr McGlinchey believes republicans have little to fear from making tough decisions.

‘Republicans have shown they are well capable of taking decisive action against the British,’ he said.

‘That’s not something that they need to prove and nobody is saying you shouldn’t do this or do that.’

Born into a staunch republican family from Bellaghy in south Derry, Mr McGlinchey’s decision to enter a public debate at this time will be viewed as significant.

There are currently several active republican groups including the IRA, Oglaigh na hEireann and the Continuity IRA.

The IRA, which was formed as after a merger between the Real IRA, Republican Action Against Drugs and independent republicans in 2012, and Oglaigh na hEireann have been particularly active in recent months.

Although he keeps a low public profile, Mr McGlinchey is a well-known figure in anti-agreement circles.

Speaking last night the father-of-three said that in some cases “armed action” was being used to ‘stifle republicanism at the present time. It’s not that you are asking republicans to give something up, it’s not a matter of giving something up,’ he said.

“It’s a matter of being pragmatic and astute about where the battle is at and where it needs to be brought. Republicanism need to be aware of where it sits and the battles that are opening up in front of it and if certain tactics are holding you back from entering a new field of battle.”

The 36-year-old left Sinn Fein in 2006 partly because of its support for policing in the north.

He later joined republican socialist party Eirigi before resigning from that group in 2009.

He remains opposed to Sinn Fein and believes support for the party ‘is support for British rule in Ireland and the administering of British rule in Ireland’.

In 2012 Mr McGlinchey was questioned by police about a Real IRA gun attack which claimed the lives of two British soldiers in Massereene in County Antrim in 2009.

He strongly denies any involvement in the attack and believes his name was connected to the ambush by ‘the British media, MI5 and (PSNI) special branch’.

The Co Derry man believes there is little support for a paramilitary campaign in nationalist communities.

“I don’t believe the appetite exists among the people,” he said.

“That’s not to say there is not considerable support among certain segments of republicanism for particular types of resistance, but what is very clear is that the appetite is not there for a full blown campaign. Never has the groundwork been done for a campaign like that to be launched.”

Mr McGlinchey says that republican groups must answer to the people they claim to represent.

‘As republicans we say our loyalty is to the Republic and the people make up the Republic and our loyalty has to be to those people,’ he said.

“For us to enforce rather than to persuade and debate and bring the people with you on a particular road map, what sort of Republic would we have at the end of it all?

There are those involved in a process who have already delivered us to one surrender and they have no right to deliver us to another surrender.”

Mr McGlinchey is of the view that republican ‘activists on the ground need to have an understanding of what they want’.

He said the activities of republican paramilitary groups do not constitute a sustained “campaign”.

He urged anti-agreement republicans to consider alternative methods to further their aims and reject any romantic notions about the Provisional IRA’s campaign.

‘Resistance is good,’ he said.

“But it doesn’t mean you have to be running around with an Armalite in your hand.

You can’t refer back to the “good old days”, the fact of the matter is there was nothing good in it.

I am 36-years-of-age and I never saw the IRA walking the streets. There was a resistance movement but the IRA were on the back foot.”

As a child Mr McGlinchey saw both his parents being shot dead in separate gun attacks in Co Louth.

His father Dominic, a former INLA Chief of Staff, was gunned down in Drogheda in February 1994 by gunmen who have never been apprehended.

His mother Mary, also a former senior member of the INLA, was shot dead in her Dundalk home in January 1987 as she bathed the then nine-year-old along with his brother Declan.

Again, her killers have never been caught.

Mr McGlinchey says alternative ways of expressing republican politics should not be dismissed by hardliners.

‘There are hundreds of ways to expose the status quo for what it is,’ he said.

‘Through civil disobedience or not recognising institutions. Republicanism cannot be viewed as a one-trick pony, there needs to be a proper analysis of where it is at.’

The former Sinn Fein man believes that conversations about the future of militant republicanism can be held privately.

‘I don’t think republicans need to say they are calling a halt,’ he said.

‘It’s clear that as republicans you have a duty to reflect, gather your thoughts and analyse our strategy. There needs to be a conversation about the future of the republican movement.’

He revealed that hardline republicans have already entered into a “period of reflection” but that efforts to move away from violence are opposed by elements within the British security establishment.

‘MI5 and the security services have moved certain people from our streets that are of a more moderate persuasion to stifle that,’ he said.

‘The security forces, MI5 and British intelligence have a vested interest in keeping things going.’

He also believes that at times in the past British “agent provocateurs” within the Republican Movement have steered its direction.

‘Whether we like it or dislike it at the minute the Brits are controlling both sides of the argument, or certainly have major influences in terms of both sides of the argument,’ he said.

Mr McGlinchey believes the in recent years ‘republicans are trying to swim in a dirty pond and there’s not even enough oxygen for anything to breathe in it never mind grow’.

He says this has been demonstrated more so in Dublin where hardline factions have descended into a “gang structure” whose members “masquerade as republicans”.

‘There’s been too much sacrificed just to be lost on a gangland in Dublin or a corrupt person in Belfast,’ he said.

“We are now many, many years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and the name of republicanism, especially in the 26 counties, has been trailed through the mud by people who should never never ever been allowed on the bus. There needs to be a crdible middle ground.”

The South Derry man says militant republicans have encountered tougher challenges in the past.

‘We have been shot by our own, hanged by our own, hanged by the Brits, we have been raped and beaten by the church and starved by colonialism – there’s nothing in this world we cannot face,’ he said.

‘By taking a step back you actually do move forward. You need a bit of luck, but you can’t have luck if you don’t have a plan.’

Mr McGlinchey is convinced the time is right for him to speak out now.

‘We were told to go and sit in the corner and that’s not acceptable any more,’ he said.

Analysis: Civil rights reversed

Posted by Jim on

 

By Padraic Mac Oitir

 

Without any doubt, the release from prison of Lurgan man Martin Corey

will be welcomed by all persons with an interest in justice.

 Martin Corey has spent almost four years in Maghaberry prison. At no

time during that period was he ever questioned about or charged with any

offence. He was held on the basis of secret evidence – if such evidence

ever even existed – which his own legal team was never allowed to see,

let alone challenge.

 In short, Martin Corey was effectively interned without charge and

without trial for almost four years.

 Despite his release from prison, Martin Corey is now subject to

conditions comparable to those which first saw the light of day under

the draconian Special Powers Acts introduced by the Unionist regime at

Stormont in 1922.

 He has been ordered not to reside at his home in Lurgan or to enter the

Lurgan area.

 He has also been ordered not to speak to the media about his case.

 Internment without charge or without trial was a feature of the Special

Powers Act.

Another of the Special Powers Act regulations allowed the then Minister

of Home affairs to prohibit any person from entering all or parts of the

Six Counties or to grant permission for a person to reside under certain

stipulated conditions. This was later condemned by the Commission of

Inquiry into the Special Powers Act held by the National Council for

Civil Liberties in 1936.

 Section 25 of the Special Powers Act amounted to censorship of the

rights to freedom of speech and political opinion. It prohibited any

person “by word of mouth, or in writing, or in any newspaper,

periodical, book, circular, or other printed publication” from making

statements likely to cause “disaffection to His Majesty” or statements

critical of the policing and justice system.

 The repeal of the Special Powers Act was one of the core demands of the

Civil Rights movement. Although it was repealed in 1973, it has been

incrementally replaced over the past forty years by harsher, if not more

draconian, legislation.

 The legislation which allowed Martin Corey to be imprisoned for four

years without charge and without trial, and the conditions imposed upon

his release, resemble those of the Special Powers Act against which the

Civil Rights movement campaigned.

 Martin Corey is not unique.

 Other persons have been arrested under dubious circumstances and

spurious evidence, and have yet to face trial – as such they are

innocent until proven guilty. A number of these are being granted bail

on conditions which prevent them living in their family homes and from

entering their home towns.

 Like Martin Corey, they are faced with internal exclusion within the Six

County state – not unlike the internal exclusion practiced by the

Pinochet regime in Chile.

 The ‘old’ Stormont with its bad, old laws is long since gone – at least

that’s what constitutional nationalist parties in the ‘new’ Stormont

keep publicly repeating.

 To all intents and purposes, those same politicians who clamoured for a

return of justice and policing powers to Stormont appear to be

comfortable with, if not complicit in, the special powers enacted and

enforced under their watch.

 Slowly but surely, the old Stormont ways are being resurrected.