Posted by Jim on February 24, 2014
Stephen Murney was cleared of outstanding ‘terrorism’ charges this
afternoon amid strong criticism of the system of internment by remand
being operated by the PSNI police and Crown prosecutors against
republicans in the north of Ireland.
The 30-year-old Newry man is a local spokesperson for the socialist
republican political party eirigi. He was arrested at the start of
December 2012 by detectives investigating what they described as
He was subsequently charged with the collection and distribution of
photographs of the PSNI engaged in acts of harassment and intimidation
of the local nationalist community. The photographs were described as
‘information likely to be of use to terrorists’.
Other charges of “possessing items for use in terrorism” were dismissed
late last year. The charges were thrown out when the items in question,
taken from his house in a PSNI raid two years ago, were found to be an
old band uniform and toy guns belonging to Mr Murney’s son.
Mr Murney pointed out during his trial that the photographs were taken
by him in his capacity as Eirigi PRO in order to record, document and
publicise PSNI abuses.
Speaking to the Newry Times today following his acquittal and release,
he said, “My imprisonment for the past 14 months was as a direct result
of my political views and my membership of eirigi – an open and
legitimate political party.
“Those charges, of which I have been found to be innocent, were brought
against me by the PSNI who objected to fact that I recorded, documented
and publicised PSNI personnel abusing the human and civil rights of
citizens in the Newry area.
Even though it was clear from the very outset that these charges were
completely without substance, both the PSNI and prosecution service
have persisted with a legalised charade which resulted in my
imprisonment from December 2012. There is no other way of describing
that charade except as ‘internment by remand’.
Murney vowed to continue his role as PRO. “I intend to continue with my
activism on behalf of Eirigi,” he added.
Eirigi’s general secretary, Breandan Mac Cionnaith, who attended the
trial, said, “From the outset we have said that the charges against our
party comrade were nothing more than a spurious means to remove a
committed and dedicated political activist from his family and his
community.
“In short, Stephen’s imprisonment has been tantamount to ‘internment by
remand’. Stephen’s case also highlights, yet again, the false claims
made by constitutional nationalist parties in the Six Counties. This
case clearly epitomises the reality of modern political policing.
He continued, “Had the PSNI and prosecution service been successful in
their action against Stephen, it is very evident that this case would
have had profound implications in relation to Article 10 of the
European Convention of Human Rights. Article 10 states that everyone
has the right to freedom of expression.
“That right includes the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and
impart information and ideas without interference by state authorities.
Stephen’s arrest and imprisonment was a blatant but crude attempt at
political censorship and the open suppression of legitimately-held
political opinions in direct contravention of those Article 10 rights.
“In that regard, this case is strongly reminiscent of the type of
charges brought by RUC against political activists and others under the
old and internationally discredited Special Powers Act.
Mac Cionnaith added, “Had the PSNI and prosecution service succeeded in
this case, I have no doubt that it would have led to the arrests of
other political activists and to possible gagging orders on political
publications as a first step towards an outright ban on eirigi as a
political party.”
Posted by admin on February 22, 2014
The 32 County Sovereignty movement has strongly condemned the PSNI in
Derry after it said a young mother was subjected to a “very public
humiliation” as she was leaving her child to Long Tower school in the
Brandywell.
The woman in question is married to a republican, but has no connection
to any political groups or organisations.
A “quite personal” and “punitive” search was conducted front of other
parents, teachers and children making their way into the school. Her
seven-year-old child was extremely traumatised, they said,
“This is no less than we have become accustomed to from the rebranded
RUC.
“A corrupt sectarian force who shredded Patten [policing reform
proposals] to re-employ some 700 members of the RUC through the back
door… thus shoring their historical continuum of sectarianism by
numbers.
They said the PSNI are abusing children on their way to school whilst
attempting to “court” other schools within the area.
“They are harassing children on their way to schools and any right
thinking principal should deny the thugs access to what is supposed to
be a neutral learning environment,” they said.
And they accused their nationalist political rivals — Sinn Fein and the
SDLP — of “palpable” complicity.
“The Uncle Toms who once stood against human rights abuses now sustain
and lend credence to the sectarian regime by remaining silent as the
regression of civil rights for nationalists and republicans is allowed
to continue unabated.”
‘PROXY’ POLICE
Meanwhile, the Republican Network for Unity have warned that some
so-called ‘Community Safety’ initiatives are being used by the PSNI to
deploy “proxy” police in republican areas.
It emerged last month that the ‘Police and Community Safety Partnership’
(PCSP) in the County Armagh town are to commence a programme whereby
Newry civilians are fitted with surveillance cameras and effectively
sent on patrol.
The RNU urged the PCSP ‘wardens’ to avoid being used by the PSNI to
carry out policing functions “at half the price and at twice the risk”.
Other proxy programs have been introduced in South Down. One is entitled
‘StreetSafe’, which they say is being used to check out so-called “blind
spots” — staunchly republican areas of Ardglass and Newcastle.
It said people’s concerns over crime were being manipulated to
“ingratiate” the PSNI into community structures.
“A major objective of the British establishment and their supporters in
the Six Counties is to sell the RUC/PSNI as a ‘non-political community
based service’, with an appearance of the people’s full support,” they
said. “In this task, they have quite obviously failed in most
nationalist areas.”
It also claimed that the PSNI was using a long-standing practice of
using criminal informers to create confusion and fear within nationalist
communities to encourage them to accept British policing.
“The PSNI/RUC have no real interest in the welfare of working class
people in areas such as Ardglass or Newcastle. Those politicians and
party activists who are abusing the people’s worries in this way are
misrepresenting the nature of the community’s problems
Posted by Jim on February 15, 2014
Pat F.
PAT FINUCANE
What’s in a name? In time it absorbs the whole character and nature of the person. The name Pat Finucane reverberates in our hearts and minds – takes possession of us – his intelligence, his affection, his care, his nobility. And may I say that name reverberates throughout the world. Yes, he made his name. He never failed to be troubled when tormented families made supplications to him regarding a dear one who suffered unjustly and he carried their supplications not only in the files under his arm but in his very being. He did everything in his power to seek justice and truth and from the day of his martyrdom disciples followed in his footsteps – in his family led by Geraldine, in the Pat Finucane Centre, in Relatives for Justice, in the Committee of the Administration of Justice, in British Irish Watch and indeed in many others at home and abroad. Sadly his mother Kathleen died on 12 October 2013. She longed to see justice done for her son.
Pat Finucane was murdered by members of the UDA on 12 February 1989 in his home at his family meal with Geraldine his wife, his children John, Michael, and Katherine. Yes, Ken Barrett was sentenced to 22 year for his part in the murder. He served less than 4 years having qualified for early release. William Stobie supplied the murder weapon – an agent of the security forces he said he had informed his Special Branch contacts of the coming attack. If so they held back from giving a warning – why? Stobie was shot dead by loyalists in December 2001. Dead men tell no tales. One of the two murder weapons in the Pat Finucane murder, a Browning pistol, was recovered by police but then given back to the British Army, a key exhibit disposed of. Brian Nelson, agent of the security forces, planer of the attack, was both a member of the British army under direct command of an officer of colonel rank and he was a senior intelligence officer in the UDA. It is likely that Nelson produced an intelligence report used by the killers, carried out a reconnaissance operation at Pat Finucane’s home and supplied Barrett and another loyalist with Pat’s picture. It is said that Nelson’s name has been linked with at least 30 murders. Nelson received a 10 year sentence in February 1992 for his role in loyalist violence. The Force Research Unit of the British Army used Nelson to infiltrate the UDA. The FRU reported directly to the senior commander in Northern Ireland. Question – to whom in Government did the senior commander report? Nelson claimed in his prison diary that as early as December 1988 he informed the Force Research Unit of British Intelligence that Pat Finucane was targeted. Nelson died on 11 April 2003.
Following the Weston Park talks for a peace settlement in July 2001, Judge Peter Cory was appointed by the British and Irish governments to inquire into six cases of alleged collusion north and south. On 7 October 2003 he handed over his reports to the two governments. Pat Finucane was one of the northern cases. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Paul Murphy, on 1 April 2004 while announcing immediate public inquires into 3 cases did not include Pat Finucane, a delaying action. The Irish Government and Judge Cory were disappointed. A public inquiry had been promised at the Weston Park talks. It was clear that it was fear of revealing the depth and breadth of collusion that caused the British Government’s prevarication. Following on, the Inquiries Act of 2005 aimed to destroy the chances of the search for complete truth and the implementation of the Cory recommendations in full.
We are sill asking the same questions over the years. Was the murder of Pat sanctioned by the British government? An Independent Inquiry would obviously call on Douglas Hogg to give evidence. On 17 January 1989, three weeks before the murder of Pat, Hogg then a junior government Home Officer stated in Westminster that ‘there are in Northern Ireland a number of solicitors who are unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA and he added – “I state it on the basis of advice that I have received, guidance that I have been given by people who are dealing in these matters ..”’ Who were these people?
Collusion of the British forces, government and all, with loyalist murderers – lethal allies – has been a major factor in the 30 years war here. Truth has seeped out little by little in inquiries and several personal revelations . But major questions need still to be answered and it is not just enough to issue one line state apologies years and years after the murders. Years ago we had the Stalker inquiry. He dug deep. He was removed from the case – yes, the authorities obviously had something to hide. We did not get seeing it. John Stevens gave us three reports. What all did they say about the Force Research Unit? Why was Pat Finucane not given police or military protection? Stevens was not allowed to give a public answer and we did not get reading his reports. Are we not, the public, entitled to the truth? On 14 January 1998 Stevens said, ‘As you will be aware the reports submitted by me are the property of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Chief Constable of the RUC. I am therefore not in a position to release the reports or indeed divulge any of the contents. The reports are highly classified and authority of the above persons will be required before information is released’.Will Theresa Villiers, present Secretary of State, and Chief Constable Matt Baggott appropriately on this 25th Anniversary of Past Finucane’s death step forward and release those reports? They belong to us, the public. On 17 April 2003 after his Third Report revealed collusion between British Army, RUC and loyalist paramilitaries Stevens said in obvious frustration: ‘from Day One, my inquiry team was obstructed in its work … it should not have taken 14 years to get to where we have gotten now’. But that is the very reason why it is necessary to have an independent Inquiry. On12 April 1999 Param Cumaraswamy, special rapporteur of the United Nations, had called for an independent inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane. He repeated it on 3 June 2000. On 13 February 2002 USA Lawyers Committee for Human Rights published a report on the killing of Pat Finucane and called for a public inquiry. Internationally hundreds of lawyers have called for a public inquiry. Concern is being expressed year after year.
The Finucane family have continually gained the attention of the public at home and abroad by holding firm to a a public inquiry. In November 2010 Secretary of State Owen Paterson met the Finucane family but again applied the delaying action. Stall, stall, stall. Running into the middle of 2011 it was accepted that the British Government would announce the holding of a public inquiry. The shock came, a great insult was delivered and anger spread on 11 October 2011 when Prime Minister David Cameron in Downing Street told the family and solicitor Peter Madden that he offered a review of the case led by Sir Desmond de Silva QC. John Finucane said: ‘The previous government accepted Judge Cory’s recommendation for a public inquiry albeit under restrictive legislation. We would not even consider accepting an offer which amounts to a closed-doors process that will not be up to any scrutiny’. How true the words also of Michael Finucane when he told a subcommittee of the House of Representatives, Washington, that security force collusion in the murder was the ‘last great historical issue’ for the British Government in the Northern Ireland conflict. A question remains – who persuaded David Cameron to desert the public inquiry? Witnesses who feared to be called to give evidence and be cross-questioned?
De Silva reported in December 2012 . He said ‘The real importance in my view is that a series of positive actions by employees of the state actively furthered and facilitated Finucane’s murder and that, in the aftermath of the murder, there was a relentless attempt to defeat the ends of justice’. There is a paradox there – de Silva’s review of the case instead of a public inquiry was an attempt to defeat the ends of justice.
That relentless attempt continues but we are gathered here today with members of the Finucane family to repeat the call for an independent inquiry. We want to question not only those employees of the state who furthered and facilitated Pat Finucane’s murder but to question also their employers, the ministers of state.
PAT FINUCANE’S FILES
At mid-day when the sun burned my face
I opened your bulging file,
The Red Book
Of the sacrificial years,
While the gunmen with their sour pistols
Watched me from the window panes.
The invisible ink ran
Over the pages
Staining my hands with the names
Of those
Who with eyes and ears and tongues
Once shared my human condition.
The gunmen moved away
The mid-day sun drew down the blind,
And left me in the dark.
At dawn when the sun
Climbed into my room
I pulled another file
Out of the sky.
It was written in radiant blue ink.
Marked private!
I read it.
You didn’t mind.
There is life here
Creation
Glory and love.
The blue edged notes are tinged with family facts
Of affection,
Each loved one an adorned capital
Embraced by silent gaps
Of unexpressed thoughts.
Here and there I run my finger
Over the squiggles of gentle laughter.
I loved it, Pat.
I loved its peace.
I loved the tinctured messages
Of bright illumination.
A diary of fine days and blue flowers
Scenting of sentimentality. Raymond Murray
Posted by Jim on February 11, 2014
This was written by the partner of Cogus POW, Ta McWilliams a few hours ago a chairde, a disgrace to say the least in the 21st century!
“Not long off the phone to Ta I asked him how things were in the jail he was telling me the heating is still off the pipes are absolutely freezing and told me that there’s a 71yr old man sitting shivering with his coat on as his only source of heat it is an absolute disgrace that these men are having to endure this treatment in the middle off winter in this day and age”
Posted by Jim on
Several thousand marchers in Derry have heard fresh demands that those responsible for the Bloody Sunday massacre be held accountable for their actions. The annual commemoration organised by families of the dead and wounded took place last weekend in Derry. Speaking to the rally, former civil rights leader Bernadette Mcaliskey echoed calls for a criminal investigation to begin by interviewing former British soldiers. Her appeal followed news that the PSNI police are seeking to interview more than 1,000 people who gave evidence to the Saville Inquiry — but have still not questioned the British paratroopers who carried out the killings. The former Westminster MP was one of the speakers on the original 1972 march at which peaceful anti-internment protestors were gunned down. “If I were the PSNI, I would start with the accused,” she said. “I would actually start with the soldiers – that would save a lot of time and a lot of effort and a lot of money. “I have a sneaky suspicion that if you started with the foot soldiers who are currently carrying the blame and carrying the can for the whole British establishment, they might plead guilty on the spot and start to talk about who actually said what to whom and who bears responsibility.” But, she added, she would “not be holding my breath for justice”. Earlier, several thousand people retraced the route of the original 30 January 1972 parade. Relatives of some of those killed and a number of the wounded walked at the head of the march behind a banner entitled: “Justice: It Concerns It All” followed by young people carrying 14 large white crosses. On the approach to Free Derry Corner, the parade halted briefly in Rossville Street to observe a minute’s silence prior to the laying of floral tributes at the Bloody Sunday memorial by Geraldine Donaghy, niece of Gerard Donaghy. The march was accompanied by a number of republican and nationalist political groups. A number of local campaign groups also took part. The keynote speaker at the commemoration at Free Derry Wall was Stafford Scott, a community activist who has led condemnation of the London Metropolitan Police following the 2011 killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham. Mr Scott said there were comparisons between Mr Duggan’s death and Bloody Sunday, claiming that after Mr Duggan’s death, the London police immediately issued statements promoting their version. “We’ve tacitly supported your struggle, the struggle of republicans for a long, long time. It is an honour to be able to come here and share that support and solidarity with you all,” he said. Mr Scott said the official police version of events in his community made the rest of the world look away. “That’s why it’s critical that we give support for each other. That is why it’s critical that we hold each other’s hands and march for justice,” he said. Following a minute’s silence, the names of the Bloody Sunday dead and wounded were read by Damien Donaghy, who was shot and injured on the day. The crowd dispersed after the playing of the National Anthem by the Parkhead Republican Flute Band from Glasgow.