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Friday, August 21, 2026

BRITAIN IN IRELAND: YESTERDAY AND TODAY

Posted by Jim on October 27, 2014

by Michael J. Cummings

You can examine any trouble spot in the world today  and see some comparison or some contradiction with British rule in Ireland.    Of course, to do so will require a strong stomach as the stench of British hypocrisy and arrogance infuses each example.  But the long view of these few  examples is to encourage  American policy makers  to question  British influence on U. S.- Irish relations  in the small arena of foreign  affairs and to challenge basic assumptions by the British government.

 

Let us begin with Iraq.  Last month U. S. jurors announced   murder and manslaughter  verdicts  of   four employees of   Blackwater, the   mercenary company hired by the U.  S. State Department.   They   killed  14  unarmed Iraqi civilians in  Baghdad’s  Nisour Square  in 2007. Now in 1972   the British Army killed 13 innocent unarmed civilians.    It took 42 years for the British to stop lying  about  those killings but it has not charged,  much less prosecute,  any of the soldiers involved.  Nor  do they intend to!    The British would be the first to claim the slaughter an  ‘internal’  domestic  matter as there was no threat to the rule of law.  Why is it that   America can prosecute their mercenaries in 7 years for an incident in the midst of  a war but  Her Majesty’s government cannot prosecute  their soldiers  for their murderous rampage of Bloody Sunday in ‘peace’ time?

 

Moving on to Syria.  New York Times reporter Marlise Simons revealed that the U. S. and the U. K.  are currently funding investigators who are scouring Syria for records that might reveal evidence of war crimes.    This is the  same  government  that has ignored provisions of the N. I.  Good Friday Agreement of 1998 to support a Historical Enquires Team (HET) to review the killing of nearly 1000 Catholics over three decades.  The British have done all they can to obstruct any review of those cases and  has  most  recently  claimed  there is insufficient funds  for the HET.  Better to  spend  money  documenting  the crimes of Syria’s Assad than to expose one’s  own crimes in Ireland!! 

 

Let’s try Russia and the Ukraine. In his recent address to the United Nations General Assembly, Ireland’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Charlie Flanagan, blasts the actions of the Russian Federation in Crimea and the Ukraine pointing out they clearly contravene a range of international agreements.  He did not take the opportunity to remind the Delegates  that Britain carved up N. I. by force and  without a democratic mandate, much like Russia’s Crimea takeover.  Inexplicably,  he  does not cite Britain’s contravention of the 1998 international treaty called the  Belfast Agreement.  Cameron has  simply refused  to hold the required independent public hearing into their killing of attorney Patrick Finucane.   Britain’s  murdering  and lawless security services, like those of Russia, are seemingly immune to  the obligations  of international  laws and treaties. 

 

The ECONOMIST, a British weekly  magazine  that frequently represents the views of the Government, had the temerity  recently to cite the Cambodian government for failing to arrest and prosecute  more Khmer Rouge for their murderous campaign in the 70’s.  For decades the British Army and MI-5 colluded with loyalist  thugs  to kill innocent Catholic civilians.  Two soldiers spent less than a year in a military compound for their murder convictions.  Remarkably one  was restored to rank.   Author Anne Cadwallader’s  book LETHAL ALLIES documents much of this savagery  aimed at ending  the Catholic civil rights campaign.  The Cameron  government  takes every opportunity  to obstruct any talk of dealing with the past in Ireland.  However, it does not hesitate to use its media influence to shine a  light  elsewhere to distract from  its deeds. 

 

South Africa and the United States  were  also  the target of this hypocritical venom from the   ECONOMIST.  Under the headline “How not to quell a riot”  the  magazine  criticized the Ferguson Police Department .  Isn’t that rich?   The  renamed but not reformed Royal Ulster Constabulary is  the most incompetent, lawless  and political police force in Western Europe.  It  escapes scrutiny and change   because  secret government reports remain sealed to avoid revealing how  Northern Ireland’s Murder Inc. operated !! 

 

An opinion piece of the magazine recently  rebuked the  government of South Africa  for interference with the independent judiciary in the work of a Commission investigating the killing of 34 miners. Britain’s corruption of law, justice and the  judiciary  in N. I. is of biblical proportions .  The editors   must have read  Matthew 7:5: “  You hypocrite, first take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your brother’s eye.”    Not content to intern and imprison    innocent people, officials  at the highest levels of government in London orchestrated  campaigns of violence which took the lives of over 1000 British Subjects including  attorneys  Rosemary Nelson and Patrick Finucane, officers of the court and defense counsel.   

 

South Africa, Russia, Syria, Cambodia.  These are but a few—- China, Sri Lanka and Egypt are others—- of Britain’s fellow travelers in respecting  human rights, promoting justice, democracy and the rule of law. How can the U. S. effectively challenge injustice and promote freedom  with Britain’s colonial corruption hanging like an albatross around its neck?  A recent  interview with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger about  Syria  may have touched upon the nub of the problem.  He  noted  the short term obligation to  destroy ISIS  and  of the long term necessity of re-configuring the post W W I boundaries of  Middle East  nations.  Those  lines, like the tortured boundary drawn through the 9 county province of Ulster, were  drawn up by British bureaucrats over bottles of fine claret and to suit their political purposes. 

 

Northern Ireland is Britain’s showcase of how NOT to govern.  It places the UK  in the company of scoundrels and tyrants.  Making excuses for their treachery in Ireland portrays America as a willing co-conspirator  and collaborator and  is a constant source of inspiration and justification to those who would  do harm to our values.  Those who serve Britain fighting evils like ISIS don’t deserve  to be associated with the crimes committed in the Queens name in Ireland.

 

President Clinton rewrote  America’s  playbook  on Northern Ireland .  Let’s hope that ‘can do’ attitude animates this latest round of talks and inspires  Special Envoy Gary Hart, Nationalists and Unionists together to craft some new ‘game-changer plays’and, better still,  to craft  a new playing field.

The Mairia Cahill Case

Posted by Jim on October 26, 2014

The case of the emperor’s thumb

By Jude Collins (judecollins.com)

I was on RTE’s Prime Time last night. It was of course about the Mairia
Cahill case and it was what you might call a learning experience.

Miriam O’Callaghan seemed focused on whether I found the story of Ms
Cahill’s account of her meeting with Gerry Adams ‘credible’. In my view,
that line of questioning was to pour petrol on what is a fire that’s
burning in lively style already. I pointed out that my finding what Ms
Cahill said credible or not was beside the point. Likewise in terms of
Ms Cahill’s claims to have been raped over a twelve-month period by an
alleged IRA man. Likewise in terms of Ms Cahill’s claims that Gerry
Adams had made a remark – while stroking his moustache – that some
victims are persuaded they enjoy rape. Likewise with her claim that
republican rapists were many and were covered up for and moved on, in
the style of the Catholic Church child abuse scandals.

All those are beside the point because to the best of my knowledge no
evidence has yet been adduced to support Ms Cahill’s claims. She spoke a
day or two ago about having been “dragged through the media” over the
past week. From what I saw, that seems an odd choice of verb -“glided”
might have been nearer the mark. Ms Cahill is a very effective presence
when faced with cameras and microphones. But as I say, I’m not aware of
any evidence for these deeply serious charges.

Which is bad enough. But when the leading political figures of Ireland –
the leader of Fianna Fail, Micheal Martin, the leader of the DUP Peter
Robinson, even the leader of the Fine Gael party An Taoiseach Enda Kenny
– act as though Ms Cahill’s charges had been proved to the hilt, it’s
even more worrying. As though to show the strength of his belief,
there’s a picture of the Taoiseach embracing Ms Cahill, presumably to
express sympathy for the vile crime that has been committed against her.

When I made this point last night, Noel Whelan in the RTE studio
responded by saying that Mary Lou McDonald, Martin McGuinness and Gerry
Adams himself had added their voices to the crediblity of Ms Cahill’s
claims. Unlike Noel, I’m not a barrister. Or a former adviser to the
Fianna Fail party. But I do know that questions of innocence or guilt
depend on evidence. That’s what the judge based his verdict on when Ms
Cahill’s claims came to court. Those who were claimed to have organised
an IRA meeting were acquitted, as was the man whom Ms Cahill claimed had
raped her. In short, they were declared innocent. As a barrister, Noel
presumably knows that you need evidence if you make charge. That’s why
the legal firm representing the men charged with holding an IRA meeting,
and acquitted of that charge, issued the other day a statement deploring
the unrelenting media onslaught against their clients over the past
week. “In any normal society, the fact that the men were acquitted in a
court of law – found innocent – would be the end of the matter”. Indeed.
But not in Ireland.

Quite the reverse, in fact. Noel Whelan’s view, and presumably that of
Enda Kenny, Micheal Martin and Peter Robinson appears to be that if
enough people say something about an individual, then the belief becomes
reality. It’s not exactly mob rule. It’s closer to the Roman emperor
asking the mob at the Coliseum whether they think he should give the
thumbs up or down to determine the fate of a gladiator. If enough voices
urge thumbs down, that’s what happens and the man is killed.

But the fact is, we have courts in which innocence and guilt are tested.
When Ms Cahill’s charges came to court, all those charged were deemed
innocent. The political opponents of Sinn Fein north and south have
acted as though the verdict of the court was an irrelevance and the
demeanour of the accuser the deciding factor. If Mary Lou McDonald,
Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams have declared they believe Ms Cahill’s
claims are true, they’re entitled (for whatever reason) to do so. I’ll
do the same myself when and if convincing evidence is brought forward to
support the claim. Rape is a particularly vicious and cowardly crime,
and the perpetrator deserves severe punishment and the victim everyone’s
sympathy and support. But we must use something other than a persuasive
media presence as evidence that rape has occurred.

One final point: the case against Martin Morris and others has resulted
in an acquittal. As I understand the law – maybe Noel could corroborate
this – those accused and found innocent cannot be charged a second time
for the same crime except fresh evidence is produced. Does Ms Cahill
have fresh evidence? If she has she should produce it immediately and go
to court. Otherwise some of us will begin to suspect she’s being used
as a wrecking ball against Gerry Adams in a determined effort to damage
Sinn Fein electorally. As Tommy McKearney told Mark Carruthers on the
BBC’s The View last night (I watched it when I got home, Virginia), the
real story of the past month is not Mairia Cahill but the infliction by
the south’s coalition government of water charges on a population
already on its knees. “The Maria Cahill case has come like manna from
heaven for the coalition government”. Too true, Tommy. In deep
electoral difficulties, Maggie Thatcher sent a fleet of warships to the
Falklands. In a similar predicament, Enda Kenny flung his arms around
Mairia Cahill.

Halloween: It’s a Celtic Feast

Posted by Jim on

by Mike McCormack

May I respectfully add my take on the feast of Halloween?  Like their economy which was based on planting, growing and harvesting, the Celtic calendar was centered around the Sun and agriculture and determined by a lunar calendar.  The four major feasts were Imbolc on February 1 which introduced the season of planting; Bealtine (BAL-tinna) on May 1 which honored the god of cattle and crops and was associated with growth; Lughnasad (LOO-na-sid) on August 1 which signaled the harvest; and the most important feast of the year: Samhain (SAH-win), celebrated on November 1, when the full moon rose midway between the Autumnal Equinox and Winter Solstice.  It was the Celtic New Year, but it was celebrated for an entirely different reason than we celebrate our New Year today.

Samhain observed the death of one pastoral year and the beginning of another.  To the Celts, winter was coming, crops were dying, days were growing shorter, and the specter of death hung heavy in the air.  It was a time when some of the elderly members of the clan, unable to survive the winter, would be taken from them by Cailleach, the goddess of death.  The Celts marked the 3-day full moon period with activity and ritual before facing the unknown as the strength  of the sun began to wane and fall under the growing power of the gods of darkness, winter, and the underworld.  Cattle were slaughtered and salted to feed the people through the coming winter.  Crops were gathered in and stored lest the shape-shifting Pooka, a nocturnal hobgoblin that delights in tormenting mortals, destroy the fruits of the field and bring on a season of famine.

Consumed with fear that they might be carted away to the land of the dead, the Irish lit huge bonfires to ward off evil forces and to encourage the return of the sun.  The real reason for the celebration however, was the fact that Oiche Samhain (EE-ha SOW-na), or the eve of Samhain had passed for another 12 months, for Oiche Samhain was a dangerous night indeed.  It was on that night that the veil between the natural and supernatural worlds was lowered, and residents of the underworld, both good and evil, were free to roam the earth.  It was the holiday of the dead and the sidh (shee) – the supernatural residents of the fairy kingdom, both fun-loving and fearful.  It was a time sacred to the moon, and called for sacrifices to Crom Cruagh, Lord of the Mound, a golden idol surrounded by 12 stones on the plain of Moy Slecht in Cavan.

Any who wandered out that night were in danger of being accosted by spirits, so most remained indoors.  However, if one had to go out, he or she was advised to wear the skin of a sacrificed animal to disguise themselves from the spirits.  If an animal skin was not available, then the traveler would be wise to carry a candle in a hollowed-out turnip so that they would be mistaken for a sheerie or Will-o-the-Wisp and be left alone.  In reality, the sheerie was the normal decomposition of buried organic matter causes methane gas to rise from the bog and burst into spontaneous flame in the presence of air, inspiring many stories of male spirits (Jack) seeking to lure one into a swampy area and harm.

Those who remained indoors listened to seanachies (SHAN-a-kees) or storytellers relate how the Gaels had defeated Ireland’s early settlers, the magical Tuatha De Danann, and won control of the land.  However, the undaunted De Danann plagued their conquerors with trickery, depriving them of milk and grain, until a compromise was finally reached and the land was divided between them.  The Gaels won the right to live above ground and the magical De Danann agreed to live underground, beneath the hills and mountains, becoming the Fairy Folk of Irish legend.

On Samhain, the veil between the two worlds is lowered and the fairies and spirits are free to roam at will.  The mounds marking the entries to dwelling places of the Sidh glowed with eerie light.  Many a mortal was lured away to investigate, but in spite of the temptation the curious are cautioned, if you must venture out, be wary.  You might hear music; the most beautiful music ever to come from fiddle or flute, but do not investigate, for the spirits will entice you away to the dance and keep you entertained until the dawn breaks; then you will be trapped behind the veil!  Tales are told of those lost to the Fairy kingdom who were not seen again until the following year when the veil was lowered once more and they were seen on the other side.  Some have been enticed back to tell their stories, but they were very few and usually came to a violent end shortly after their return.  This was Feile Na Marbh (FAY-luh na MAR-ve) – the Feast of the Dead.  Children born that night are blessed with ‘double sight’ and are able to see and play with the fairies.  Long-dead ancestors also roam the land seeking the warmth of a hearth fire and communion with the living.  Those who wish to welcome them place candles in their window to light the way for their lost souls.

With so many things to fear, the obvious question is why would anyone venture out at all and the answer lies in the very same lowering of the veil.  It’s a night when supernatural things are possible; when hidden things are visible; and if one knows how to read the signs, a night when the future can be read for omens are clearest on Oiche Samhain.  If, for example, a maiden were to wash her dress in a stream on that night and hang it on a bush to dry, the image of her future husband will gradually appear beside it.  It’s also a time when you can catch a glimpse of recently-departed loved ones and perhaps secure some information from them – like where did they hide the money!

Another custom associated with Oiche Samhain was the leaving of food and drink on a doorstep to appease the wandering spirits so that they would trespass no further into a dwelling.  If the offering was gone in the morning, it was a good sign that the spirits had accepted it, for no mortal man would dare steal a gift left for the dead.  It was also a fortunate time for the hungry and homeless who wandered the roads and were willing to take that chance.  Needless to say, there was great rejoicing when dawn broke and the threat of Oiche Samhain had passed for another 12 months.  The fear and the celebration associated with Samhain made it one of the hardest of the old Druidic feasts for the young Irish Church to dispel in the early centuries of Christianity, so it was decided to sanctify its meaning.

In 432 A.D., Saint Patrick brought Christianity to Ireland, but the old ways persisted.  Rome attempted to take the easy way out and absorbed the tradition into its own calendar.  For centuries, the Church had honored its martyrs and saints on May 13, so in 844 A.D. Pope Gregory IV transferred the saints’ feast to November 1, renaming it All Hallows Day.  Yet, 500 years later, Celtic descendants were still commemorating their 3-day New Year Feast of the Dead.  In the 14th century, Rome decreed November 2 would be known as All Souls Day and masses would be said for the departed who had not yet been admitted to heaven.  In an effort to finally eradicate the ancient festival, October 31 was titled All Hallows Eve and installed on the Church calendar as a vigil of preparation for the 2-day religious observance.

Henceforth, November 1 would be All Hallows Day – a day to honor the souls that had achieved heaven, followed by All Souls Day, a time to pray for the deceased who were still awaiting redemption.  To the Irish however, All Hallows evening retained the connotation of a time dedicated to the spirits and many of the ancient customs lived on.  In time, the Christian meaning became accepted, at least on the surface.  In many areas, the parish priest was given a polite nod of the head in acquiescence to the Church’s definition, while a wink of the eye signified that the ancient traditions were still being observed – just in case.

Stories of witches, goblins, and little people persisted, and the cautions proscribed as protection against the spirits of the netherworld remained as All Hallows Evening became Hallows e’en or Halloween – the only Celtic feast still observed on the modern calendar.  Costumes are still much in evidence only they are the dime store variety instead of animal skins; pumpkins have replaced turnips as the Jack o Lantern; and the token food or candy given to visiting ghosts and goblins, who shout Trick or Treat, is a reminder of the food and drink freely given as a ransom against harm.  I’d say the spirit of the occasion (no pun intended) is still intact.  In recent years, a heightened awareness of the origins of Halloween has led to Celtic New Year celebrations in some areas, but there are still many who are not aware of the rich cultural heritage of our ancestors, who based their pastoral activities on a sophisticated celestial calendar fostered by a knowledge of astronomy unsurpassed in their time.

As for the traditions associated with Halloween, well, think about it.  What happens after the demons in the dime-store costumes are tucked safely in bed with their treasure of candy bars and pennies secure in plastic pumpkins?  What happens late at night when the streets are silent; what are those strange sounds carried on the wind each year; and what of the eerie occurrences reported each Halloween.  Of all the Celtic feasts, why is it that only Oiche Samhain has survived.  Is it because there is some substance to it after all.  I can’t say for certain, but I know I’m staying at home.  And if you must go out, please, whatever you do, be careful . . . and, by the way, Happy New Year!

GARY HART’S STATEMENT TO THE IRISH NATIONAL CAUCUS, 1984

Posted by Jim on

Simon Carswell. Irish Times. Saturday, October 25,2014

 

Gary Hart, the former US senator and two-time contender for the Democratic presidential nomination, is the latest in a long line of high-profile former politicians tapped by the US’s State Department to help bring long-eluded peace to a troubled part of the world.

On Tuesday secretary of state John Kerry appointed Hart (77) – “his fellow would-be president,” as the Atlantic magazine called him this week – his “personal representative” to Northern Ireland.

It was a bid to help focus the minds of political leaders in the latest round of all-party talks aimed at resolving the thorny issues of flags, parades and the past.

In his statement announcing Hart’s well-flagged appointment, Kerry described the former two-term senator from Colorado as his “longtime friend.” Hart was “someone who has spent many weeks in Ireland and Northern Ireland over the past 30 years,” he said. Well, it was 30 years ago that Hart first ran for president. He tried again in the 1988 race.

He was the frontrunner until May 1987 when revelations about an extramarital relationship with a 29-year-old model ended his run. He retreated to a rented cottage in Oughterard, Co Galway to avoid the media after one of the most startling turns in American politics.

Around the time of the scandal, he was quoted by the New York Times telling a friend: “Only half of me wants to be president. The other half wants me to go write novels in Ireland. But the 50 per cent that wants to be president is better than 100 per cent of the others.”

Incidentally, the scandal has sparked a debate here about whether the media’s questioning of Hart’s fidelity marked a watershed moment in American politics, changing forever how far the media will go in reporting on politicians and a shift to “gotcha journalism”.

In sharing unfulfilled ambitions for the highest office, Hart and Kerry have much in common. Their Senate tenures overlapped for two years, from 1985 to 1987, and Hart helped Kerry in his own run for president in 2004.

Remarks made by Hart during his own presidential campaign in 1984 show that even 30 years ago he had well advanced views on how to fix the political situation in Northern Ireland.

Blame-game

A statement he issued to the Irish National Caucus, the Capitol Hill-based Irish-American group, in January 1984 is worth reprising given his new role in Belfast. “The debate should no longer centre over who is responsible for this or that violence; condemning symptoms does nothing to cure the disease,” he said at the time. All electoral initiatives up until that point had failed, he said, because “they have not taken into account the democratic wishes of the people of Ireland as a whole”. 
“The best way, and in fact, the only way to establish a lasting peace is within a democratic All-Ireland context,” he said. “Regardless of long fostered socioeconomic divisions, the fact must be recognised that Ireland is essentially one nation.
With the acceptance of this historical fact, the first step on the road to a long overdue peace in that trouble land will have to be taken.”

Unionists will hope that his “one nation” views may have tempered since then. Hart no doubt will have plenty of time to explain whether his position has evolved in the three decades since he wrote this. Kerry said Hart would play “a direct, on-the-ground diplomatic role” and planned to visit Belfast before the end of the month.

It is worth noting the involvement of a then young political activist named Martin O’Malley in the formation of Hart’s position. The Irish-American, now governor of Maryland, has presidential ambitions for 2016. He worked on Hart’s 1984 campaign and drafted his policy paper on Northern Ireland pushing for the US to take the role of peace-broker, for all-party talks and for the appointment of an envoy (the role Hart now has, rounding the circle).

These specific aims, the first time they were supported by a Democratic candidate, were endorsed by the party’s eventual 1984 nominee, Walter Mondale. They were later adopted in the Democratic campaigns of 1988 and 1992. Hart was a visionary in that regard and his 1984 goals for Northern Ireland remarkably prescient.

‘Majority will’

Asked about his views back then Hart told The Irish Times this week by email: “My views, expressed three decades ago, emphasised the democratic decision-making process in determining the future of Northern Ireland: that is, they should be free to decide their political affiliation and destiny according to majority will.”
That principle later became adopted in the Good Friday Agreement. He added: “I have spent many enjoyable days in the Republic and in Northern Ireland, and look forward to many more in the hope that the United States government can support and assist the new round of discussions just begun.”

Why are the Irish so afraid to talk about the 1916 Easter Rising?

Posted by Jim on October 24, 2014

By Colin Broderick 

 

A few months ago Fiach MacConghail the director of The Abbey, Ireland’s national theatre, summed up the current state of the Irish artistic response to the upcoming 1916  Easter Rising centennial preparations with this bleak prediction; 

“This commemoration anxiety has been going on for a while, and will, I believe, end up in commemoration paralysis.”

Just last week the 1916 Relatives Association expressed outrage that the centenary plans are in an “absolute shambles.”  The members of the organization are understandably angry that no one has reached out to them to consult with them in preparation for celebrations or events to mark this historical milestone amid rumor’s that the Queen of England herself might be invited to an occasion meant to honor those who gave their lives to free themselves from English rule.

Then to top it all off, just a week ago, former Irish Prime Minister John Bruton suggested that the 1916 Rising damaged the Irish psyche and that the violence used only led to more more bloodshed in the years that have followed.  

Of course it’s an easy argument to make in light of the recent global trend in re-branding the word “terrorist”, as a catch-all phrase for; ‘violence-that-has-not-been-perpetrated-by-a-ruling monarchy-or-recognized-world-power.’  But as Gerald Seymour penned famously in the 1975 thriller, Harry’s Game;  “One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.”

Not that I’m condoning violence but it’s easy to use that sort of language to dismiss events that happened in the distant past.  What Bruton fails to address of course is that Ireland and England have been at loggerheads for about a thousand years or so and just because the weapon of choice in 1916 was the gun rather than the sword doesn’t mean the two sides hadn’t clashed numerous times before then with devastating consequences.  Oliver Cromwell didn’t need a pistol to slaughter three thousand Irish in Drogheda in 1649.  Does that make him any less a terrorist?

But let’s, for the sake of argument, allow Bruton his opinion.  It’s his opinion and no matter how misinformed and callous it may appear to many, he is entitled to it.  It is after all, just one side of an argument.  Let me repeat that; it is just one side of an argument.  

As a writer I believe in the power of argument.  Without informed argument, without respectful consideration of both sides of any story we are doomed eventually to dictatorship.  In order to live peacefully in a free society “all voices” need to be heard with the same level of respect.  That is the very nature of a democracy.  It is our willingness to allow for opposing arguments, lifestyle choices, differences in political and religious beliefs that will keep us from future violence.  Without the acceptance of opposing beliefs we are doomed to repeat the mistakes of the past eternally.

As a co-writer of the screenplay for, The Rising, the feature movie based on the life of Sean MacDiarmada and his role in masterminding the 1916 Easter Rising, I am appalled at the unwillingness to engage in public debate from both sides.  

Isn’t this centennial the perfect opportunity for peaceful public debate?  Isn’t this the opportunity we’ve all been waiting for to finally set swords and rifles aside and, after a thousand years of bitter hatreds, hear each other out.  What are we so afraid of?  Why are the Irish so afraid to talk about their own past?  Why are they afraid to own it?

It is okay to say Sean MacDiarmada and the six other signatories of the 1916 Proclamation were terrorists.  It is also perfectly okay to say that they are heroes.  Both sides of the argument will always have their supporters and detractors.  That is the very nature of mankind; we are alike, in that, each one of us is different.  Don’t let fear keep you from taking this oportunity to speak up.

Or, if you are having trouble saying something maybe you could proactively throw your support behind some of the people who are trying to say something that aligns with your way of thinking.  

Producer/co-writer, Kevin McCann and I have a movie,The Rising, that needs all the help it can get right now.  

So far we can attest to that state of paralysis Fiach MacConghail is predicting.  Everyone we talk to would love to see this movie made, but very few are willing to put their hands in their pockets, or their voices on public record to make sure that it does happen.  It has become a political hot potato that gets whacked from one Irish politician’s office to the next with a dexterity that makes the William’s sisters look like a pair of lumbering stoners.  

But it’s not fair to blame the politicians for the cultural paralysis, that’s the lazy way out.  Their incompetence does not excuse my inaction.  That is why we have chosen to fight on to ensure that this movie gets made regardless.  We believe it is essential to the Irish psyche that this story is finally brought to light.  This is the only feature movie slated for release in 1916 to mark the centennial; the first ever feature movie to portray the actual events of the Easter Rising and the executions of the seven signatories of the Proclamation of Independence.  

But perhaps movies are not your thing.  That’s okay too.  If you don’t like the idea of a feature movie or a documentary maybe you could do something else, like organize a parade in your local town, or start a facebook page, or write a song, a blog piece or a poem.  If none of that appeals to you maybe you could just read a book about how your country was formed.  It is essential to understand a little of your own history.  Without a sense of where we have come from it is impossible to fully understand who we are.   

And this paralysis does not just stop on the shores of Ireland.  I meet countless American’s who claim to be Irish.  To you, who are so proudly proclaiming your heritage I ask the same question; what happened in Easter week of 1916?  

I’ll be the first to admit I didn’t know very much about it either until quite recently.  I’d even published a memoir of my time growing up in Northern Ireland, “That’s That” Random House 2013, but I still didn’t know very much about 1916.  My knowledge comprised of an embarrassingly vague hodge podge of names and details that barely served to form a crude outline of the portrait of actual events.  Thanks to the determination of Kevin McCann to bring this story to light I have been sufficiently informed of my history in the time since.

In closing, let me say this; as a writer I don’t care which side of the centennial debate you are on, but if we are ever to move forward from this preposterous political stalemate we’ve been locked in for a thousand years between England and Ireland for God’s sake use this opportunity to say something.  Regard this centennial as a benchmark.  Mark my words, it will be a cultural milestone no less profound than the Easter Rising itself.  The very future of our Irish identity hangs in the balance.  

Sean MacDiarmada and the other six signatories of The Proclamation of The Irish Republic sacrificed their lives to ensure that we as Irish men and women had a country and a voice to speak of it.   Let’s at least honor them by using those voices.  It’s the very least we can do.