Official Communication from the UFA

Posted by Jim on February 3, 2018

Helena Moloney, republican and trade unionist

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DOMHNAIGH — On January 28, 1967 , Helena Moloney, republican and trade unionist, died in Dublin. Moloney was born in Dublin in 1884. While only at teen-ager Moloney heard Maud Gonne give a pro-nationalist speech near the Customs House. Inspired by Gonne, Helena began a lifelong commitment to republicanism. Moloney joined Inghinidhe na hÉireann (Daughters of Erin) in 1903 and five years later was named editor of Bean na hÉireann (women of Ireland), a republican – as well as feminist – monthly founded by Moloney’s role model, Maud Gonne. Helena began an acting career at this time as well, joining the Abbey Theater, but her commitment to political and then labor activism would eventually end her acting. During this time Helena also became more active in the Irish labor movement, where she worked closely with James Connelly and Countess Markievicz. Connelly made her secretary of the Irish Women Workers’ Union in November 1915. She was jailed in 1911 for throwing stones during the protest of a royal visit, making her the first woman jailed in the cause of Irish freedom since the days of the Ladies Land League some three decades earlier. Moloney took an active role with Connelly’s Citizen’s Army during the 1916 Easter Rising. She took part in the attack on Dublin Castle, where her commanding officer, Sean Connolly, was killed. She was arrested and held until December of that year. Moloney opposed the treaty and supported the republican side during the Civil War. She continued to work for labor causes after the Civil War and was the first woman to become president of the Irish Trade Union Congress. She did not abandon the republican cause, however. She was active with the Women’s Prisoner’s Defense League and the People’s Rights Association during the 1930s. Moloney continued to work for the causes she believed in until illness forced her to retire from public life in 1946.

Churchill on Ireland

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“We have always found the Irish a bit odd. They refuse to be English” – Churchill

In 1904 Churchill said “I remain of the opinion that a separate parliament for Ireland would be dangerous and impractical”. Churchill’s ancestry is linked to loyalism to Britain, he is a direct descendent of the ‘Marquis of Londonderry’ who helped put down the 1798 United Irishmen rising. He would live up to his families reputation when it came to suppressing revolutionary forces in Ireland.

The Black and Tans were the brainchild of Churchill, he sent the thugs to Ireland to terrorise at will. Attacking civilians and civilian property they done Churchill proud, rampaging across the country carrying out reprisals. He went on to describe them as “gallant and honourable officers”. It was also Churchill who conceived the idea of forming the Auxiliaries who carried out the Croke Park massacre, firing into the crowd at a Gaelic football match, killing 14. Of course this didn’t fulfill Churchill’s bloodlust to repress as people who he described as “odd” for their refusal “to be English”, he went on to advocate the use of air power in Ireland against Sinn Fein members in 1920. He suggested to his war advisers that aeroplanes should be dispatched with orders to use “machine-gun fire or bombs” to “scatter and stampede them”.

Churchill was an early advocate for the partitioning of Ireland. During the treaty negotiations he insisted on retaining navy bases in Ireland. In 1938 those bases were handed back to Ireland. However in 1939 Churchill proposed capturing Berehaven base by force. In 1941 Churchill supported a plan to introduce conscription in the North of Ireland.

Churchill went on to remark”the bloody Irish, what have they ever done for our wars”, reducing Ireland’s merit to what it might provide by way of resources (people) for their imperialist land grabs.

‘It is never too late’

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A diverse gathering of republicans took place this week at St Mary’s
Cemetery Navan to commemorate the 6th anniversary of Volunteer Martin
Rattigan and his brother Joe, whose 4th anniversary
occurs later this year. North Armagh republican Cait Trainor delivered
the following oration.
 

Firstly let me say how honoured I am to have been asked by the Family
and Friends of Martin and Joe to come and here today and speak. The
fondness in which Martin & Joe’s friends speak of them is touching, they
speak of warm, witty and determined people, men who loved their country
immensely, two men who touched the lives of so many in their community.

For many Martin Rattigan is the epitome of old school Republican, he
travelled the length and breadth of Ireland campaigning, on his travels
he picked up many friends and acquaintances and nowhere outside of his
home town was Martin so well-known and loved as in County Armagh.

Martin operated as an IRA volunteer in South Armagh for many years,
during his time spent there on behalf of his country, Martin developed a
great affection for the place, he referred to Slieve Guillion as “my
little mountain”. At the beginning of whats referred to as the troubles,
Martin was part of an active service unit, made up of mainly Navan
Volunteers, he was billeted in Iniskeen when the unit heard word that
British Soldiers had blew up the road at Courtbane, the unit took up
position on the road and an ambush followed, it was here that the first
British Soldier of the campaign in South Armagh was killed.

Martin was involved in many IRA operations in subsequent years, based
mainly around Portadown and Lurgan. After ending active service Martin
was to continue his Republican activism, throughout his life he
campaigned for Republican prisoners and was involved in the Cuban 5
campaign, a keen internationalist Martin also made important links with
the Basque Separatists.

Joe was equally as active in campaigning on Republican issues, his
friends describe him as “Martin’s right hand man”, Joe sold Republican
papers religiously to try and get the word out, and he did whatever was
needed.

The esteem in which these two men are held is evidenced here today, the
very many of their friends who have come out to commemorate them, and
their family will never allow their memory to be forgotten.

If Martin and Joe where alive today, I have no doubt that they would be
to the forefront of the very many campaigns Republicans are currently
fighting. One of those very serious issues is Internment.

Internment or Licence revocation as the Brits are calling it, has become
a very worrying trend in Irish Republican circles, at present we have 3
men, all in Maghaberry Jail who are subject to this. In the case of Tony
Taylor who has now been in Jail for nearly 2 years, no acceptable reason
has been forthcoming, citing a generic “risk to security” is not a
reason, it is an assumption and not a fact, it is not a strong enough
assumption to take away someone’s liberty. The same goes for Gabriel
Mackle released only a matter of weeks and thrown back in Jail, once
again a mantra of being a “security risk” is all we know. Having secret
reasons given by a secret police in order to deprive someone of their
liberty is the stuff of tyrannical despotic states that decent society
is allegedly supposed to oppose.

The most shocking of these 3 cases though it has to be said is that of
Neil Hegarty, Neil was released from Jail in December after serving a
5-year sentence; Neil was welcomed home by his family and friends and
was undoubtedly looking forward to reconnecting. With Christmas only a
matter of weeks away, his friends and family were elated about having
him back at home, the first time in 5 years they would socialise
together, enjoy a meal and have quality time with their loved one. Just
over 24 hours after his release the Police arrived at Neil’s door, told
him his licence had been revoked and carted him off.

In the 26 counties we have an onslaught of IRA membership charges being
brought against Republican activists in an attempt to censor them, to
hamper the good work they are doing. Any Republican can be arrested and
charged with IRA membership, all it takes is the “belief” of a Chief
Superintendent. No evidence need be provided just simply the “belief” of
one person. And we all know that these Chief Superintendents are hardly
the most reliable of witnesses, given the atrocious track record of the
Gardai of telling lies and setting people up. When the charged person
eventually gets to court; and the Superintendent is questioned on their
“belief” they have in the past used privilege, in other words, secret
information. Essentially you can be arrested, charged and convicted of
IRA membership without having any specific allegation or evidence ever
given to justify it.

All this is supported by the Governments and a willing media. The
propaganda and media bias against the Republican people of Ireland means
that the Public are completely apathetic about these human rights
abuses, so it is our duty to inform them at every opportunity.

In recent years we hear people constantly talking about how to make
republicanism relevant, how we as “alternative” republicans must somehow
change ourselves and our ideology along with it, to those people we
state clearly that we are not alternative Republicans, there is no
alternative Republicanism, we stand by the Republic as laid out in the
1916 Proclamation.

One hundred years ago Irish Republicans took part in the first sitting
of an all Ireland Dail Eireann. On the same day volunteers of Oglaigh na
hEireann struck the first blow against the crown in the Tan War. Both
are seminal moments in Irish history and both are still an example and
inspiration to Irish Republicans.

Attempts are currently underway once again to try and deny the
legitimacy of the republican struggle and undermine resistance to
British rule. Let there be no doubt in people’s minds, the republican
struggle is and always has been legitimate. The illegitimacy lies in the
British occupation and those who seek to normalise it. It lies with
those who seek to equate resistance to the occupation with the savagery
meted out by the forces of the occupation. Republican resistance to
British rule was legitimate in 1798, it was legitimate in 1916 and it
remains legitimate today. As long as the British occupation remains and
the Irish people as a whole are denied self determination free from
foreign interference then to quote Padraig Pearse “the only honourable
attitude for Irishmen and Irishwomen is an attitude of revolt.”

The Irish Republic is the embodiment of the sovereignty of the Irish
people past, present and future. It is what countless generations gave
their lives and liberty for. It cannot simply be a passing piece of
rhetoric, we as republicans must act towards its re-establishment.

What we must also do however is face reality, we are at a critical time
in our history, The challenges we face are real and the British and
Freestaters are certainly winning the war of “hearts and minds”.

Martin Rattigan knew only too well when it was time to face reality, as
a member of the Provisional movement for many years, he gave them his
all, and he worked tirelessly believing that their plan was a new way, a
chance. However Martin like so many others realised, that PSF had went
down the path of reformism and revisionism, a testament of Martin’s
character was his courage and strength, his ability to put ego to one
side and say enough is enough, he walked away from the movement he had
dedicated his life to. He put his Country before pride.

Martin demonstrated a political maturity that surpasses what many people
are capable of, it would have been easy for Martin to stay with them, to
see out his days quietly, to not rock the boat, but Martin was a man of
integrity and honour and when he realised that PSF had actually become
part of the problem, that they were in fact propping up British rule
instead of trying to end it, his mind was only on the cause of the
Republic and nothing else.

The lesson that we can all take from Martin and Joe is that it is never
too late, you are never too old to do service for your country, that as
Republicans we must always follow the cause and never the man.

In leaving here today, let us take that lesson with us and act upon it.

The legacy of Connolly, 150 years after his birth

Posted by Jim on

The following is an abridged article written by Jim Slaven of the James
Connolly Society.
 

June 5th 2018 will mark the 150th anniversary of the birth of James
Connolly in Edinburgh’s Cowgate. This will provide us with an
opportunity to reappraise Connolly’s life and work. Not to merely
commemorate or recall the dates that mark out significant chapters and
events in his life, but rather to meaningfully engage with the man, his
writings and his philosophy.

Like many other working class kids, Connolly (and his brother John)
joined the British Army in a bid to escape poverty and destitution.
After seven years Connolly absconded from the British Army and spent
time in Dundee and Perth (where he married Lillie Reynolds, an Irish
Protestant he had met in Dublin) before Connolly returned to live in
Edinburgh, back in Little Ireland. Connolly took up employment as a
manure carter (as his father had before him) and immersed himself in
political activity with the Scottish Socialist Federation. Quickly
establishing himself as one of the key writers, orators and organisers
in the city. Within a few short years he had twice stood for election in
the St Giles ward in the city. He also became active in the Social
Democratic Federation and in the Independent Labour Party in the city
once it was founded by Keir Hardie.

During this period Connolly studied socialist writings, including those
of Marx and Engels (it is said he taught himself French and German
sufficiently to read texts that were not yet available in English).
Edinburgh during the 1890’s was the hub of socialist activism in
Scotland and a wide variety of political influences were embraced by the
young Connolly. As well as Irish nationalism, the teeming tenements of
Little Ireland and the surrounding area where home to exiles from the
Paris Commune and Fenian movement, Scottish republicans, Chartists and
socialists of varying international hues.

In Edinburgh Connolly was introduced to a wide range of individuals some
of whom influenced him and his thinking greatly. The city was a fertile
intellectual, political and cultural environment for the young Connolly.
Figures such as visionary sociologist and urban planner Patrick Geddes
and anarchist Peter Kropotkin mixed with socialists of various strands.
These included fellow Little Ireland resident John Leslie a poet and
activist, and the likes of Keir Hardie, Eleanor Marx and William Morris.
Another influence was exiled Communard Leo Melliot who famously told an
Edinburgh meeting commemorating the Commune that ‘without the shedding
of blood there is no social salvation’. The influence of the Paris
Commune on Connolly’s political thinking could be seen in the decades
that followed. Throughout his life Connolly commemorated the Commune
annually.

After the failure of his cobbler’s shop, and now married with three
young children, Connolly said he was going to buy a mirror to watch
himself starve to death. He even considered leaving Edinburgh and
politics for good and emigrating to Chile. Only the intervention of his
friend and comrade John Leslie dissuaded him. And in 1896 after an
appeal by Leslie he was offered the position of paid organiser with the
Dublin Socialist Club. He accepted and moved to Ireland.

Within days of arriving in Ireland Connolly made his famous statement
that “The struggle for Irish freedom has two aspects: it is national and
it is social”. Shortly thereafter this was expounded in more detail in
the manifesto of the newly established Irish Socialist Republican Party
(ISRP). This highlights that these are not ideas Connolly came to later
in life or even in Ireland. These were ideas Connolly arrived in Ireland
with, having developed them in the Irish milieu of the Cowgate.

It was during this period of Connolly’s life that he began to develop
his theoretical writings with the publications of Erin’s Hope. He also
began writing for the journal of Daniel De Leon’s Socialist Labour Party
in the United States. Although a small organisation the ISRP and
Connolly were leading public protests against Queen Victoria’s Diamond
Jubilee and the Boer War. A war Connolly said was motivated to
facilitate ‘an unscrupulous gang of capitalists to get into their hands
the immense riches of the diamond fields’.

His time in Dublin, like the rest of his life, was marked by severe
poverty. With an expanding family (the Connolly’s now had six children)
and limited job opportunities Connolly decided to emigrate to the United
States in 1903. The following year he was joined by his family, however
his eldest child, Mona, died in a tragic accident as the family prepared
to leave Dublin.

Initially a member of the SLP however Connolly clashed repeatedly with
De Leon and a mutual antipathy was not long in the making. Throughout
his life Connolly forthrightly shared his opinions (and disagreements)
on any issue he chose. De Leon was famous for his intolerance of those
who disagreed with him within the SLP and socialist movement.

While Connolly was in the US the International Workers of the World
(IWW) was formed, known as the Wobblies. Adopting a syndicalist approach
of the One Big Union, Connolly immediately joined and became an
organiser. Throughout his time in the US Connolly travelled extensively
giving speeches and organising. In 1908 Connolly toured the United
States in support of Eugene Debs Presidential campaign. During this
period Connolly continued to write both for papers and more theoretical
works. While in the US he also wrote plays, published a pamphlet of his
songs entitled Songs of Freedom and his popular book Socialism Made
Easy.

On his return to Ireland in 1910 Connolly was determined to adapt the
IWW’s approach of industrial unionism to Irish conditions and joined the
Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), which had been formed
by Jim Larkin during Connolly’s time in the United States. Connolly
worked as an organiser in Belfast attempting to unite Catholic and
Protestant workers in ITGWU activity. This, and the Catholic Church’s
vociferous attacks on socialism in Ireland, led Connolly to rethink the
relationship between religion and ideology.

As ever Connolly continued to write with Labour, Nationality and
Religion and then Labour in Irish History being published. Labour in
Irish History remains a classic work which reframes Irish history from
the perspective of the working class. This established Connolly’s
reputation as an original thinker, theoretician and Marxist historian.

One of the defining workers struggles between Labour and Capital on
these islands was the 1913 Dublin Lockout when the ITGWU, led by
Connolly and Larkin, faced the owner of the Dublin Tramways, William
Martin Murphy. In Murphy, the workers were up against an immensely
powerful and immensely class-conscious opponent. At one point involving
20,000 workers the sheer scale and ferocity of the lockout shook Irish
society and the British Empire. After British police attacked, and
killed, workers James Connolly concluded the only way for workers to
protect themselves from state violence was to create a worker’s militia.
The Irish Citizens Army was born. This army, of and for the working
class, is recognised as the first of its kind in the world.

After the British union bureaucracy refused to call out their members in
solidarity the lockout was defeated. The struggle of the workers and the
violent state response led many Irish nationalist to conclude any
nationalist movement must have a social dimension. The lockout confirmed
Connolly’s view that only when the Irish people were in control of their
own destiny, without outside interference or impediment, could Irish
workers be free. The pieces were falling into place for revolution. The
question was would an opportunity present itself?

The outbreak of the war in 1914 provided Connolly with an opportunity to
underline his principled approach to political action. As the left
across the world abandoned their previous opposition to the war in
favour of national chauvinism, Connolly held firm. He now found himself
in a small band of principled socialists campaigning against the world
war. His experiences in the British Army left Connolly with an abiding
hatred of militarism and the British military in particular. The
anti-war writing produced by Connolly during this period are among his
very best writing. For Connolly the failure of the vast majority of
socialists to hold the anti-war line and support the war confirmed his
view that Ireland must seize the opportunity for revolution and
independence, both national and social. Britain’s role in a world war
was, for Connolly, an opportunity working class revolutionaries could
not pass up. Ireland was on the road to Easter 1916 and revolution.

Throughout his political life Connolly’s view on Irish independence was
consistent. He viewed Britain’s involvement in Ireland as a disaster. He
identified, however, that a nationalist movement led by the middle class
would be unable to complete the ‘reconquest’ he viewed as essential.
Such a nationalist movement would demand political freedom but would be
unable to demand economic freedom. Firstly, because the bourgeois
nationalist is unable to think outside the logic of the capitalism
system and secondly because their own economic position, privileged
relative to the working class, is a direct result of economic oppression
imposed on the people of Ireland by British colonisation. Connolly’s
solution was simple but revolutionary: the working class must lead the
struggle for political and economic freedom.

As we approach the 150th anniversary of his birth we need to re-engage
Connolly’s life and work with the working class he fought for every day
of his life. To channel his rage at injustice and his determination to
fight for those marginalised, silenced and excluded under capitalism. To
use his love of life and politics and culture and humour to give people
hope and optimism.