“Varadkar’s government is now paying the price for Enda Kenny’s complete detachment from The North, and years of letting the British and DUP do what they like. As far as Kenny and his government were concerned, the more difficult things were for Sinn Féin the better. The more he could embarrass Gerry Adams with reference to failure in The North the more points he scored in the Dáil. All the while the Good Friday Agreement atrophied as Kenny’s government never asserted its right to be involved or consulted even in economic matters.”
Inept governments at heart of latest failure
Brian Feeney. Irish News. Belfast. Wednesday, February 21, 2018
When you think about it, people in The North have been on this merry-go-round for six years now.
It began to revolve in 2012. Perhaps it was the census results that spooked unionism or the loss of control in Belfast or both. Whatever it was, since then there have been years of talks and talks: the Haass talks, the Stormont House Agreement, the Fresh Start Agreement and then the past year of five sessions of what were really Sinn Féin-DUP talks.
On each occasion the DUP either walked out, walked away or after reaching an agreement reneged on it. The DUP always denied they were the problem but this time they’ve been caught out and have provoked universal exasperation.
Micheál Martin had a point in the Dáil when he laid the blame for the present impasse at the door of the two governments, but then ruined it because he couldn’t resist the obligatory dig at Sinn Féin and the DUP as ‘dysfunctional’.
Nevertheless, there’s validity in Martin’s criticism. True, he can’t have it both ways blaming London and Dublin but also taking a side swipe at the two main parties here. The fact is that since 1985 until 2010 it’s been an axiom that together London and Dublin supervise and jointly manage what happens here. Since then, Martin said, the Irish government has taken their foot off the accelerator. That’s putting it mildly.
Here are the facts. David Cameron, now shown up as one of Britain’s worst prime ministers, an arrogant, careless dilettante, a fitting precursor for the useless, spineless excuse for a Premier we suffer under now, openly sided with the DUP. He destroyed any pretence the British government claimed to be even-handed about this place[Northern Ireland]. Secondly, both he and May sent political nonentities here as proconsuls. [Prime Minister]May selects ciphers, abject in their loyalty to her who had worked for her in the home office including the present incumbent, ciphers who wouldn’t say boo to a goose in case they annoy their benefactor.
May completed Cameron’s work by unforgivably tying the Conservative party – note not the British government – formally to the DUP thereby removing any ability of herself or any hologram she sends as proconsul to act as mediator, honest broker, arbitrator or guardian of the Good Friday Agreement.
For their part the Irish government simply disengaged from The North. Eamon Gilmore, a former Stickie who had, shall we say, issues with Sinn Féin, hardly took the place under his notice. Charlie Flanagan could only see northern Nationalists through the magnifying glass of Sinn Féin in the Dáil. Sometimes you could hardly distinguish his contributions at talks in Stormont from the British line. Can you remember a single word he said about The North?
In those circumstances leaving it up to Sinn Féin and the DUP to make a settlement on their own, which is what has been going on for a year now, is completely irresponsible. The major fault lies with the British, of course, as the sovereign power because no proconsul can act as mediator being already compromised by the infamous Tory-DUP deal. Worse, any independent mediator daft enough to accept an invitation to try to reach a deal will find the DUP can pick and choose what they like since the British government will exert no pressure on them.
Varadkar’s government is now paying the price for Enda Kenny’s complete detachment from The North, and years of letting the British and DUP do what they like. As far as Kenny and his government were concerned the more difficult things were for Sinn Féin the better. The more he could embarrass Gerry Adams with reference to failure in The North the more points he scored in the Dáil. All the while the Good Friday Agreement atrophied as Kenny’s government never asserted its right to be involved or consulted even in economic matters.
So perhaps the next time Micheál Martin gets up to blame the failure of the two governments since Kenny became taoiseach in 2011, he might consider what he would have done in Sinn Féin’s position faced with an overtly biased British government and a disengaged Irish government.
FDNY BOXING MATCH The FDNY Bravest Boxing Team is back in action on Friday, March 30th when they take on the Gardia Siochana Boxing Club of the Irish National Police Service for the 2018 Transatlantic Championship. There are 8 bouts scheduled between the two departments who have split the first six meetings. This event will be held at Terminal 5 located at 610 W. 56th St., NY, NY. Proceeds will benefit Building Homes for Heroes. This organization builds mortgage free, handicap accessible homes for veterans returning home with severe injuries. Tickets cost $30 for General Admission and $50 for VIP Ringside and are on sale now at www.fdnyboxing.com. 41ST ANNUAL FDNY VS. NYPD RACE On Saturday, March10, 2018 at 0930 hours, the 41st Annual FDNY VS. NYPD Race will be held in Central Park. All active and retired members are eligible to participate. Race starts at East 103rd Street in Central Park. Registration is at J.H.S. 13, 106th Street between Madison and Park, or online at Runsignup.com. Registration fee is $30 and includes a long sleeve shirt and beverages. For information, contact E-37/L-40 at 212-570-4237. FDNY PHOENIX SOCIETY The FDNY Phoenix Society cordially invites you to the 2018 Lunar New Year Celebration, Year of the Dog, on Sunday, February25, 2018, from 10:00 am to 2:30 pm. Breakfast will be from 10:00 am to 12:00 pm at PS 130 Elementary School, 143 Baxter Street, New York, NY. Parade lineup time is at 12:00 pm on Mott Street between Canal Street and Hester Street. Class A uniform is required. All Department Members, family and friends are welcome to march along with us. To RSVP, please contact David Lin, Recruitment, President, or Ben Chou, E298, VP, at FDNYPhoenixSociety@gmail.com. Reply with full name, work location and contact info. For more information, visit www.facebook.com/FDNYPhoenixSociety.
It is with great sadness That I inform you of the death of our sister Hibernian, Katherine M. ‘Kitty’ Geissler.
Kitty was a LAOH National Life Member and the recipient of the first LAOH Mother Theresa Award.
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Please wear sashes.
Visitation:
Friday, February 23, 2018, 5:00 PM to 9:00 PM; Coffey Funeral Home – 91 North Broadway, Tarrytown, NY 10591
MASS of Christian Burial: Saturday, February 24, 2018, 10:00 AM. Transfiguration Church- 268 South Broadway, Tarrytown, NY 10591
Interment: Saturday, February 24, 2018, 11:30 AM. Gate of Heaven Cemetery- Stevens Avenue, Hawthorne, New York 10532
Please stop and say a prayer for Kitty and her Family.
As our Sister, Kitty goes off to Tir N’anOg. Tir N’anOg is the place of the Blessed. There is no pain there. There is no sorrow. There is only great joy.
Weep but briefly for your loved one, For by now Kitty has obtained a pleasure that is unattainable on this Earthly Realm, For by now Kitty has seen the face of God.
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Katherine M. ‘Kitty’ Geissler, a longtime resident of Tarrytown died February 18, 2018 at the age of 105. Kitty was born in County Limerick, Ireland on November 4, 1912. She was the daughter of James and Hannah Ring Bagnell. She immigrated to the United State in 1930 and married George R. Geissler on October 7, 1942.
In 1938, Kitty joined the LAOH, Division 9 in Port Chester. The family moved to Tarrytown in 1951 and she joined the Division 11 which has since been named in her honor. Through the years she has served on every level of office including 10 consecutive terms as President. On the County level she also held many offices including that of President. She is well known throughout Hibernian circles and has been a delegate to most of the New York State and National Conventions. For several years she was a delegate to the New York City St. Patrick’s Day Parade Committee. She was an active member of the Irish American Association of Westchester, The Catholic Daughters, Ladies of Charity, Fraternal Order of Eagles and the Tarrytown Senior Citizens. She was a parishioner of Transfiguration Church and a member of their women’s Club.
In 1979 Kitty was honored by the Irish American Association for her many charitable works on behalf of senior citizens, the sick and the infirmed, cancer patients, the mentally challenged and the Missions. At that time she was the first A.I.A. Irish Woman of the Year. In 1986, Kitty was Aide to Grand Marshal, Patrick Grimes in the Yonkers St. Patrick’s Day parade and in 1988 Aide to Grand marshal Bill Burke in the New York City St. Patrick’s Day Parade. In 1997, Kitty was the first Grand Marshal of the Sleepy Hollow St. Patrick’s Parade. Kitty’s dedication and good works were recognized by the L.A.O.H. when she was awarded the first Mother Teresa award by the organization. Kitty was a dedicated Hibernian with numerous contributions, respected community member, proud mother, grandmother and great grandmother. She is truly a model of Friendship, Unity and Christian Charity who was dedicated to live and work with our Motto.
Kitty is survived by her daughters Alice Koraca and Mary Brady both of Tarrytown. She is also survived by her 8 grandchildren and 10 great grandchildren. She was predeceased by her husband George, her son George, her son-in-law Ralph Brady, her daughter-in-law Mary Geissler and her brother William Bagnell.
The Taoiseach has been urged to ensure citizens in Northern Ireland have the same rights as those in his jurisdiction.
11Leo Varadkar has been urged to push for law changes in Northern Ireland (Brian Lawless/PA)
Sinn Fein mobilised its base in the Irish Republic to garner support for a letter from high-profile members of civic society urging the Taoiseach to push for law changes in Northern Ireland.
The letter from 100 prominent people in fields such as sport, law and the arts calls on Leo Varadkar to ensure citizens north of the border have the same rights as those in his jurisdiction.
A similar public letter was sent to the Taoiseach signed by high-profile nationalists in Northern Ireland before Christmas.
The latest letter – signed by well-known names such as musicians Christy Moore, Damien Dempsey, Glen Hansard and Frances Black – presses Mr Varadkar to lobby for legislation for Irish language speakers and same-sex marriage in Northern Ireland – two of the key sticking points in the Stormont powersharing talks.
It also urges the Taoiseach to take action to ensure families impacted by the Troubles can get timely access to the courts. Long-running delays to conflict-related inquests is another unresolved issue at Stormont.
An email obtained by the Press Association indicates that Sinn Fein was involved in an organised nationwide effort to find individuals willing to sign the letter.
Christy Moore is one of the signatories of a letter calling for Leo Varadkar to push for law changes in Northern Ireland (Niall Carson/PA)
The email sent last week by a senior party officer in the Irish Republic to council leaders across the state read: “We are seeking support from public figures at local and national level in the areas of the arts, culture, legal, business, community etc and so far have some 70 signatories including Christy Moore, Damien Dempsey, Glen Hansard and Frances Black.
“But there are also many more signatories without a national profile but who are well known in communities for the work that they do. And this is where you come in…
“We are looking for your help to get this up to 100 by the end of the day.
“Please get in touch with suggested names as well as a link person who will contact them.”
A Sinn Fein spokesman confirmed the party assisted in the endeavour.
“We were asked to assist by the organisers of this initiative in garnering support for a civic lobby in support of the rights-based agenda in the north,” he said.
“We are happy to do so, to give voice to the frustrations felt throughout Irish civic society at the denial of basic rights in the north.”
The December letter penned by figures from within northern nationalism was signed by well-known names such as All-Ireland-winning Tyrone GAA captain Peter Canavan, Republic of Ireland and West Brom footballer James McClean and Olympic boxers Paddy Barnes and Michael Conlon.
This article from The Detail provides for the US Congress an excellent summary of the steps that led to the impasse in Northern Ireland. It is objective and balanced. It highlights the salient issue that explains the retrograde steps of the DUP: ‘The DUP knew that the historic Unionist majority in Northern Ireland was being replaced by the growing Catholic/nationalist community. The party had a plan to woo Nationalists, but never put it into action. Recurring financial scandals undermined the DUP position and forced it to shore-up its base.’”—Fr. Sean Mc Manus
Unionist leaders risk steering Northern Ireland into uncharted waters
Steven McCaffery. The Detail. Belfast. Thursday, February 15, 2018
DECADES ago the decline of a County Mayo town was chronicled in a book entitled “No One Shouted Stop”.
Locals were said to have been initially angry at the depiction of their area as a place ravaged by emigration and economic hardship, until they came to see that the author John Healy was trying to help. He was ringing an alarm bell.
As Unionist politicians continue to make decisions that are arguably destabilizing Northern Ireland, it seems there is no one within their ranks who is prepared to shout stop.
Northern Ireland is changing rapidly and Unionist politics has failed to keep pace. In fact, Brexit is seen by some Unionist politicians as a means of halting the process of change by creating a hard Border and forcing a deeper economic dependence on London.
There are voices within Unionism who know that this tactic cannot work. Some of those voices are likely to have backed the proposed deal to restore Stormont, but they seem to have been drowned out for now.
Almost 20 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, there is a real risk that it is being undone.
How has this happened and how has the Irish language become the focus of disagreement?
In 2007 Peter Robinson and Ian Paisley led the DUP into government with Sinn Féin, despite internal party tensions. Robinson and Paisley saw the strategic need to make the move and so pushed on.
But the seeds of this latest crisis were sown in what happened next.
The DUP knew that the historic Unionist majority in Northern Ireland was being replaced by the growing Catholic/nationalist community. The party had a plan to woo Nationalists, but never put it into action. Recurring financial scandals undermined the DUP position and forced it to shore-up its base.
Meanwhile, after 2010 the first of a series of weak Conservative Party governments came to power in Westminster and began a long courtship of the DUP. In Dublin, government parties became obsessed with the growth of Sinn Féin and viewed the peace process through that party political prism.
Northern nationalists came to believe the DUP was using Stormont to prioritize Unionist interests and that Sinn Féin was unable to counter it.
This is where the Irish language came to the fore.
Calls for an Irish language act to cater for the growing Irish language community and Irish medium school sector dated back to at least 2006, but the issue remained on the political backburner. It was the actions of DUP ministers that turned up the heat.
Gregory Campbell repeats his “curry my yoghurt” comments at a DUP conference
In 2014 the DUP’s Gregory Campbell singled out the Irish language in the Stormont chamber by replacing the phrase “go raibh maith agat, Ceann Comhairle” with the words “curry my yoghurt can coca coalyer”.
He repeated the jibe at his party conference, adding: “We will never agree to an Irish Language Act at Stormont and we will treat their [Sinn Féin’s] entire wish list as no more than toilet paper. They better get used to it.”
In 2016 a DUP minister renamed a fisheries boat, replacing the Irish ‘Banríon Uladh’ title put in place by a Sinn Féin minister, with the English version `Queen of Ulster’.
By late 2016 controversy had erupted over the DUP role in the botched Renewable Heat Incentive scheme, with the projected loss of hundreds of millions of pounds to the public purse.
On December 23 that year DUP Communities Minister Paul Givan announced the withdrawal of a £50,000 grant scheme which allowed people from disadvantaged backgrounds to attend Irish lessons in Gaeltacht areas of Donegal. His letter to Irish language groups ended: “Happy Christmas and Happy New Year.”
Irish language activists organized public protests. The political temperature soared. Martin McGuinness pulled the plug on Stormont, forcing a snap election, during which Arlene Foster compared the granting of an Irish language act to the feeding of crocodiles. The touch paper was lit.
Thousands attended a rally in Belfast in May 2017 demanding an Irish language act.
Today the origins of the Irish language dispute are lost in a public debate about how an Irish language act might work. But the reality is that 20 years after the Good Friday Agreement promised “parity of esteem” for the British and Irish identities, an Irish language act has become Nationalism’s acid test.
A clumsy public debate on the technicalities of an Act has fogged the deeper question: ‘If a shared future does not have room for both the British and Irish traditions, then what does a shared future look like?’
Unionist politicians have painted themselves into a corner. If they baulk at a compromise now, while also pursuing policies likely to deliver a hard Brexit, then Northern Ireland will be entering uncharted territory. Is no one in Unionism ready to shout stop?
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