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Sunday, August 9, 2026

Hanna: Refers British Border Force Posts to Equality Commission

Posted by Jim on April 19, 2018

 

Hanna: Refers British Border Force Posts to Equality Commission

Following the advertisement for 21 Border Force posts based in Belfast, SDLP Brexit Spokesperson Claire Hanna MLA said the British Government should spell out clearly what form of border they anticipate these employees to be guarding. The South Belfast MLA said the apparent bar on Irish passport holders is both “exclusionary and chilling” and has asked the Equality Commission to investigate.

She said:

“Having failed to put forward any serious ideas for how to address Brexit, it appears that the British Government are now finally doing some planning, but for the one thing they promised to avoid. Instead of putting out job advertisements, the British Government should take some serious time to spell out clearly what form of Border they anticipate these employees to be guarding.

“The SDLP will not stand for any borders or barriers on this island. We will continue to fight to protect the rights and freedoms of people here.

“The apparent bar on Irish passport holders from applying for these jobs is however exclusionary and chilling, and likely to be in breach of fair employment guidance. All of us must question what other jobs or services are to be reserved for, as the Home Office has put it, those with “special allegiance to the Crown”? For the SDLP this is completely unacceptable. That’s why I have referred the actions of the British Government in relation to these jobs to the Equality Commission for investigation. Everyone should know that the hard won rights for all citizens of this island should not be compromised.”

British move away from Good Friday Agreement

Posted by Jim on

“Expert commentator on Northern Ireland, Brian Feeney, again provides essential reading for Members of Congress. In his own unique, plain-talking, style, his attached article exposes current British Government inadequacy.”—Fr. Sean McManus British move away from Good Friday Agreement is stupid and dangerous

Partly, it’s at the behest of the DUP whose MPs and members want to maximize the separation between the UK and the Republic, and partly because this British government inherited the hands-off approach adopted by David Cameron from 2010 ably abetted by Enda Kenny.

Brian Feeney. Irish News. Belfast.Wednesday, April 18, 2018

Simon Coveney is going to have another  “go” at persuading the British to agree to a British -Irish Inter-Governmental Conference (BIIGC)[*see explanation below] meeting when he meets the proconsul [NI Secretary of State] this week.

It’s alarming and depressing that the British have so far refused to agree to such a meeting because the present crisis in the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement is precisely the point of having the BIIGC as laid out in the British-Irish Agreement of 1998.

As that agreement states: ‘In recognition of the Irish government’s special interest in Northern Ireland and of the extent to which issues of mutual concern arise in relation to Northern Ireland there will be regular and frequent meetings of the Conference…’.

Leaving aside the collapse of institutions, you’d think the small matter of the Customs Union and Single Market might be of mutual concern. We learn also from a Fine Gael party meeting that in February when he met her, the taoiseach suggested to Theresa May that there should be the occasional joint Cabinet meeting like the French and Germans hold. No deal.

This pulling away from the Good Friday Agreement by the British is stupid, negligent and dangerous.

Partly, it’s at the behest of the DUP whose MPs and members want to maximize the separation between the UK and the Republic, and partly because this British government inherited the hands-off approach adopted by David Cameron from 2010 ably abetted by Enda Kenny.

The consequences of this drifting apart are there for all to see. As Senator Neale Richmond, Fine Gael spokesman on Brexit said at the weekend, David Davis’s ignorance about Irish politics is ‘shared by the whole House of Commons’. He added: ‘They do not understand Ireland. They do not know where the Border is. They do not know who the taoiseach is or where Sinn Féin is at.’

MPs who have no connection with Ireland have some excuse but not Davis who is allegedly negotiating the UK’s exit from the EU and thinks Varadkar is under the influence of Sinn Féin. There’s you thinking it was Fianna Fáil keeping him afloat.

Davis has done nothing to update himself since 2016 when he got the job. That year he didn’t know the Republic is independent and believed Britain could make a deal with Germany about cars. He’s never been to The Border. Dominic Cummings, former special adviser to Michael Gove, and Vote Leave guru,  gave an explanation for Davis’s shortcomings. According to Cummings he’s ‘thick as mince, lazy as a toad and vain as Narcissus.’

It’s astonishing to see that no one in this British government realizes it might be in their interest both short and long term to act jointly with the Irish government in any capacity. You might have heard the vacuous interview the proconsul for the time being gave BBC on Friday. Obviously without a clue— about what to do next except listen to the DUP and keep the Irish government at bay— she dissembled on every question about steps to restore a devolved administration.

Is she refusing to agree to a meeting of the BIIGC because the DUP oppose it? No. She’s looking at all options. Oh, come on!

What about a ‘Shadow Assembly’ which the DUP want? Yes, if the parties want one.

Now folks this is a disgracefully slippery response. Even she must know Sinn Féin and the SDLP are adamantly opposed and will boycott a talking shop designed to keep DUP MLAs paid and scoffing subsidized food ad infinitum.

The correct answer is: “No. There is no provision in the Good Friday Agreement or the 1998 Northern Ireland Act for a Shadow Assembly. We are on the edge of legality as it is because we are required to call an election so we’re not going to compound irregularity by risking a challenge to the legality of inventing a talking shop.”

Anything except work out how to act jointly with Dublin which is the only way forward. Does this British government not know that without Dublin’s agreement there can be no deal in The North? That they’re obliged to consult Dublin anyway under the British-Irish Agreement? That the DUP will never bring the government down? That without Dublin there’s nothing?

*”The British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) was established under an Agreement between the Governments of Ireland and the United Kingdom made on 8 March 1998. It was provided for under Strand Three of the Belfast Agreement. The inaugural meeting took place at 10 Downing Street on 17 December 1999 and was chaired by Prime Minister Tony Blair and TaoiseachBertie Ahern and attended by representatives of the Irish government, the British government and the Northern Ireland Executive.
The BIIGC replaced the Anglo-Irish Conference which was established under Article 2 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. Under the terms of the Belfast Agreement, the BIIGC is supported by officials of the British and Irish Governments, including a standing Joint Secretariat of officials dealing with non-devolved Northern Ireland matters. The BIIGC secretariat has approximately 21 staff (10 for the British side, 11 for the Irish side).[1] The staff comprise a mix of grades from senior civil servants to administrative support grades.” ( WikipediA).

In honor of America’s independence from England

Posted by Jim on


Paul Revere’s Ride

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow


Listen my children and you shall hear

Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere,

On the eighteenth of April, in Seventy-five;

Hardly a man is now alive

Who remembers that famous day and year.He said to his friend, “If the British march

By land or sea from the town to-night,

Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch

Of the North Church tower as a signal light,–

One if by land, and two if by sea;

And I on the opposite shore will be,

Ready to ride and spread the alarm

Through every Middlesex village and farm,

For the country folk to be up and to arm.”

Then he said “Good-night!” and with muffled oar

Silently rowed to the Charlestown shore,

Just as the moon rose over the bay,

Where swinging wide at her moorings lay

The Somerset, British man-of-war;

A phantom ship, with each mast and spar

Across the moon like a prison bar,

And a huge black hulk, that was magnified

By its own reflection in the tide.

Meanwhile, his friend through alley and street

Wanders and watches, with eager ears,

Till in the silence around him he hears

The muster of men at the barrack door,

The sound of arms, and the tramp of feet,

And the measured tread of the grenadiers,

Marching down to their boats on the shore.

Then he climbed the tower of the Old North Church,

By the wooden stairs, with stealthy tread,

To the belfry chamber overhead,

And startled the pigeons from their perch

On the sombre rafters, that round him made

Masses and moving shapes of shade,–

By the trembling ladder, steep and tall,

To the highest window in the wall,

Where he paused to listen and look down

A moment on the roofs of the town

And the moonlight flowing over all.

Beneath, in the churchyard, lay the dead,

In their night encampment on the hill,

Wrapped in silence so deep and still

That he could hear, like a sentinel’s tread,

The watchful night-wind, as it went

Creeping along from tent to tent,

And seeming to whisper, “All is well!”

A moment only he feels the spell

Of the place and the hour, and the secret dread

Of the lonely belfry and the dead;

For suddenly all his thoughts are bent

On a shadowy something far away,

Where the river widens to meet the bay,–

A line of black that bends and floats

On the rising tide like a bridge of boats.

Meanwhile, impatient to mount and ride,

Booted and spurred, with a heavy stride

On the opposite shore walked Paul Revere.

Now he patted his horse’s side,

Now he gazed at the landscape far and near,

Then, impetuous, stamped the earth,

And turned and tightened his saddle girth;

But mostly he watched with eager search

The belfry tower of the Old North Church,

As it rose above the graves on the hill,

Lonely and spectral and sombre and still.

And lo! as he looks, on the belfry’s height

A glimmer, and then a gleam of light!

He springs to the saddle, the bridle he turns,

But lingers and gazes, till full on his sight

A second lamp in the belfry burns.

A hurry of hoofs in a village street,

A shape in the moonlight, a bulk in the dark,

And beneath, from the pebbles, in passing, a spark

Struck out by a steed flying fearless and fleet;

That was all! And yet, through the gloom and the light,

The fate of a nation was riding that night;

And the spark struck out by that steed, in his flight,

Kindled the land into flame with its heat.

He has left the village and mounted the steep,

And beneath him, tranquil and broad and deep,

Is the Mystic, meeting the ocean tides;

And under the alders that skirt its edge,

Now soft on the sand, now loud on the ledge,

Is heard the tramp of his steed as he rides.

It was twelve by the village clock

When he crossed the bridge into Medford town.

He heard the crowing of the cock,

And the barking of the farmer’s dog,

And felt the damp of the river fog,

That rises after the sun goes down.

It was one by the village clock,

When he galloped into Lexington.

He saw the gilded weathercock

Swim in the moonlight as he passed,

And the meeting-house windows, black and bare,

Gaze at him with a spectral glare,

As if they already stood aghast

At the bloody work they would look upon.

It was two by the village clock,

When he came to the bridge in Concord town.

He heard the bleating of the flock,

And the twitter of birds among the trees,

And felt the breath of the morning breeze

Blowing over the meadow brown.

And one was safe and asleep in his bed

Who at the bridge would be first to fall,

Who that day would be lying dead,

Pierced by a British musket ball.

You know the rest. In the books you have read

How the British Regulars fired and fled,—

How the farmers gave them ball for ball,

> From behind each fence and farmyard wall,

Chasing the redcoats down the lane,

Then crossing the fields to emerge again

Under the trees at the turn of the road,

And only pausing to fire and load.

So through the night rode Paul Revere;

And so through the night went his cry of alarm

To every Middlesex village and farm,—

A cry of defiance, and not of fear,

A voice in the darkness, a knock at the door,

And a word that shall echo for evermore!

For, borne on the night-wind of the Past,

Through all our history, to the last,

In the hour of darkness and peril and need,

The people will waken and listen to hear

The hurrying hoof-beats of that steed,

And the midnight message of Paul Revere.

Official Communication from the UFA

Posted by Jim on

April 18th

GREEK INDEPENDENCE DAY PARADE The FDNY Hellenic Society will host the 2018 Greek Independence Day Parade on Sunday, April 22. Those interested in pre-parade food and beverages are welcome to join at Bloom’s Tavern, located on 58th Street between 2nd and 3rd Avenue. At 12:30 PM, everyone will meet on 63rd Street, between Park and 5th Avenue, to dress up the rigs and meet the Ceremonial Unit. At 1:30 PM, members will line up and begin the short march up 5th Avenue.
Please dress in full Class A Uniform, including caps. Bring white gloves if you have them. Since there is limited space on the 343 rig, and on any other rigs that come, the Hellenic Society asks that this space is saved for members’ children before inviting other people. Family and friends are also invited to march. Non-uniformed guests will be behind uniformed members in the line-up.
There will be a post-parade party at Central in Astoria from 3:00 – 7:00 PM. Entry is $25 for kids and $50 for adults. Please bring cash. This includes a very nice buffet, as well as wine, beer and soda. The doors will open to the public at 5:00 PM, and there will be live music. NYPD St. Paul’s Society will be there as well.  Please contact Lt. Andrew Roumas or Pete Constantine with any questions.

MATT’S RACE – 5K RUN On Sunday, April 22, 2018, at 10 AM, Engine 161/Ladder 81 & Engine 211/Ladder 119, together with the Staten Island Athletic Club, will host Matt’s Race, a 5K run in memory of Lt. Gordon “Matt” Ambelas, who died in the line of duty on July 5, 2014. The run will be held in Clove Lakes Park, Staten Island, NY, in front of the Old Stone House on Clove Road.  Registration fees are $20 pre-entry/$25 on race day for adults and $15 pre-entry/$20 on race day for children 14 and under. Awards will be given to the top 3 runners in each age group. A pre-race pick up will be held at Pepper Jack Grill, 316 Manor Road, on Thursday, April 19 from 7:00 – 9:00 PM.  There will be a post-race party at Marine Corps League, 46 Ontario Ave, SI, across from Clove Lakes Park. The post-race party fee for non-runners is $10. For applications, email scheduling@ufanyc.org.

GFA turns 20

Posted by Jim on

From certain war to uncertain peace: Northern Ireland’s Good Friday Agreement turns 20

As the agreement turns two decades old, the future of Northern Ireland remains unclear, writes BU’s John Mackey

After signing the Good Friday Agreement, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, U.S. Sen. George Mitchell and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern. AP Photo

By John Mackey | Boston University

In 1988, one of Northern Ireland’s most divisive Protestant politicians rose to his feet and shouted at Pope John Paul II, who was addressing the European Parliament, “I denounce you as the Antichrist!”

Perhaps nothing could have more vividly symbolized the bitterness and hopelessness of the Northern Ireland conflict. A few years later, as I began my academic career studying British and Irish history, possibilities for ending the violent conflict between Protestant and Catholic communities in Northern Ireland seemed remote.

One decade later, on April 10, 1998, the Irish and British governments and the major political parties in Northern Ireland signed a breakthrough accord. Known as the Good Friday Agreement, or the Belfast Agreement, it set forth a framework for sharing power among the opposing political parties in Northern Ireland. Two years of grueling negotiations, chaired by former U.S. Sen. George Mitchell, appeared to put an end to a violent 30-year period known as “The Troubles.”

As the agreement turns 20, however, the future of Northern Ireland remains unclear. Several decades of certain violence, in which 3,500 were killed, have been replaced by an uncertain peace.

Northern Ireland’s government has collapsed, leaving governing power to the British Parliament at Westminster. Meanwhile, Britain’s pending departure from the European Union — known as Brexit — threatens to re-establish a formal border between Northern Ireland and its neighbor to the south, the Republic of Ireland. This could hamper the economic interactions and symbolic partnership that open borders have provided.

From partition to Troubles

The island of Ireland, situated off the west coast of the larger island of Great Britain, came under direct British rule in 1800. At that time, the Irish Parliament was dissolved and a newly formed United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland governed from England.

Politics in the 19th century were unsettled, however. Ireland’s indigenous, mostly Catholic population had few political and civil rights compared to Protestant elites, many of whom were British or of British descent.

Irish nationalists of varying stripes, who opposed British rule and Protestant domination, formed political movements aimed at obtaining independence from Britain in the 19th and early 20th centuries. By 1919, an Irish war for independence was underway.

By the end of the war in 1921, nationalists had won at least a partial victory: An Irish Free State was created with 26 counties — the forerunner of the current Republic of Ireland.

However, six of the most heavily Protestant counties in the northeast of Ireland remained a part of the United Kingdom. These counties are what are known as Northern Ireland, geographically part of the island, but politically still united with Britain after the war.

The island was divided, and crucially, so was the society within Northern Ireland. Unionists or loyalists — those who wish to remain a part of the U.K. — are mostly Protestant and tend to identify as British. Nationalists or republicans, those who wish to see a fully united Ireland independent of British rule, are mostly Catholics who identify as Irish. Northern Ireland became divided between a Protestant and unionist majority, and a significant Catholic and nationalist minority.

“The Troubles” began in the late 1960s. A Catholic civil rights campaign sought to end discrimination by the Protestant-dominated government and police forces in Northern Ireland. Clashes between police and protesters led to charges of police brutality and eventually to further violence between the two communities.

Escalating violence led to the deployment of British troops, making many Catholics feel further alienated as the conflict worsened. Over the next 30 years, the people of Northern Ireland suffered through a sporadic but persistent war waged by nationalist and unionist paramilitary forces — armed groups that carried out assassinations, bombings and intimidation.

Given the prevalence of violence and seemingly irreconcilable political goals of unionists and nationalists, the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 was a major diplomatic achievement. The willingness of formerly sworn enemies to engage in negotiations paid major dividends: in 1972, the deadliest year of the Troubles, 479 people were killed.

In the 10 years following the Agreement, an average of eight people died per year in the conflict. In 2008, there were none.

Uncertainty: Brexit and beyond

The agreement’s 20th anniversary comes amid major questions about the future. Northern Ireland’s government has operated intermittently, and is currently suspended. Divisions between nationalists and unionists have been exacerbated by sharp differences over the U.K.‘s decision to leave the EU.

The decision has created questions about the border between Northern Ireland, which is part of the U.K., and the Republic of Ireland, an enthusiastic member of the EU. Because Northern Ireland is part of the U.K., it will leave the EU too.

Border negotiations are underway, but many people living near the border fear that restoring it could undermine years of progress.

The nature of the Brexit vote also seems reason for some concern. Religious identity proved to be a stronger predictor of Brexit votes in Northern Ireland than class: 85 percent of Catholics voted to remain, compared to only 40 percent of Protestants. A majority of working-class English and Northern Irish Protestant voters chose leave, while a majority of working-class Northern Irish Catholics voted to remain.

The U.K.’s departure from the European Union appears to give Catholics and nationalists renewed incentive to favor unification with the Republic, rather than working toward a functional, regionally self-governing Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom.

At the same time, there are reasons to be optimistic. The Good Friday Agreement brought an impressive measure of peace to Northern Ireland and offered a democratic future. But on this anniversary, as the agreement on peace remains tenuous, I believe Northern Ireland’s present and future both deserve attention from politicians in Westminster and Dublin.