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Sunday, August 9, 2026

RADIO FREE EIREANN

Posted by Jim on April 20, 2018

RADIO FREE EIREANN will broadcast  this Saturday APRIL 21st on WBAI Radio 99.5FM or WBAI.ORG at 12 noon-1pm New York time or 5pm-6pm in Ireland, or anytime after the program on WBAI.ORG – Archives.

MARK THOMPSON of Relatives for Justice will discuss a new bipartisan initiative in Congress backing families of legacy victims killed by British or their paid agents, in their fight to get truth and justice from the crown.

CORMAC O’MALLEY , will report on the Belfast launch of the new book THE MEN WILL TALK TO ME:Ernie O’Malley’s Interviews with the Northern Divisions,a collection of interviews conducted and recorded by his father famed Irish Republican Ernie O’Malley of interviews with IRA Volunteers who fought during the War of Independence and Civil War.

We will have a special report on Mayor Di Blasio’s latest moves against New York’s famed Horse drawn Carriages in Central Park


We will have a final update  on  April 24th  in ALBANY, which will now include  formal resolutions in the New York State Senate and Assembly  honoring  the centennial of Ireland’s 1918 Vote for Freedom which gave a democratic mandate to the Easter Rising and Proclamation as well as information about the Irish Freedom’s Easter Commemoration on Sunday April 22d.

John McDonagh and Martin Galvin co-host.

UK Border Force reviewing ‘British-only’ policy on jobs in Northern Ireland

Posted by Jim on

 

The Irish News revealed that only British passport holders are eligible to apply for the Border Force roles

Brendan Hughes

THE UK Border Force is said to be reviewing its policy of recruiting only British passport holders for jobs in Northern Ireland ahead of Brexit after being accused of discrimination.

The Irish News revealed on Monday that only British passport holders are eligible to apply for the posts.

The Equality Commission yesterday said it had raised concerns on grounds of fair employment legislation – and it understood Border Force is now reviewing the issue “as a matter of urgency”.

Hundreds of new posts across the north and Britain are being advertised within Border Force, which deals with immigration and customs checks.

The jobs are being created in preparation for the UK leaving the European Union – fuelling fears of a hard border.

Among them are 21 positions based in Belfast, but all applicants are required to have a British passport.

It means people in the north with only Irish passports cannot apply.

The SDLP and Sinn Féin hit out at the “exclusionary and chilling” policy, but DUP MP Gavin Robinson dismissed it as “nothing new” and rejected fair employment concerns as “noise”.

In a statement, Eileen Lavery, head of advice and compliance with the Equality Commission, said the watchdog has been in contact with Border Force “over some time regarding this issue”.

“The commission has made the point that the requirement for a person to hold, and produce at interview, a British passport in order to meet the criterion of being a UK national could exclude a large section of the Northern Ireland population who identify as Irish, hold no UK passport and, in many cases, hold an Irish passport,” she said.

“We have pointed out that this could raise concerns about possible discrimination on grounds covered by the Fair Employment and Treatment Order, which includes political opinion, and/or by the Race Relations Order.”

Ms Lavery said the commission also suggested Border Force should give consideration to the Good Friday Agreement, which allows people born in Northern Ireland to choose to be British citizens, Irish citizens or both.

“The commission understands that the Border Force, as a matter of urgency, is now reviewing this matter and the points the commission has made,” she added.

The SDLP’s Claire Hanna welcomed the Equality Commission’s involvement.

But the South Belfast MLA said the recruitment drive still raises questions over the future of the Irish border post-Brexit.

“We can never ever allow a situation where jobs are restricted on the basis of ‘British only’ – it flies in the face of the equality protections we delivered through the Good Friday Agreement,” the South Belfast MLA said.

“It is however troubling that an agency would be so lazy in its approach and is yet another aspect of Brexit’s impact on Northern Ireland that the UK government has not given sufficient thought to.

“Tragically Brexit continues to force issues of identity, allegiance and sovereignty, which the Good Friday Agreement sought to defuse, back into everyday life.

“But the fundamental question stills remains – what border are these posts supposed to be guarding?”

The British and Irish governments and the EU all insist they want to avoid a ‘hard border’ on the island of Ireland.

Earlier this week, the Home Office said the UK-wide recruitment campaign covers port and airport locations, but will also “respond flexibly to emerging requirements, including any future requirements as a result of EU exit”.

Donald Trump objected to the proposed wind farm near his golf resort in Doonbeg

Posted by Jim on

Varadkar’s Trump email led to wind farm report

Fáilte Ireland ordered fresh review of proposal

Peter O’Dwyer, Seán McCárthaigh

April 20 2018, 12:01am, The Times

Donald Trump objected to the proposed wind farm near his golf resort in Doonbeg

Fáilte Ireland ordered a report into a proposed wind farm in Co Clare the day after Leo Varadkar had relayed Donald Trump’s concerns about the development to the tourism board.

Mr Varadkar, who was minister for tourism, contacted Fáilte Ireland in 2014 after he received a call from Mr Trump, who owns a golf resort nearby in Doonbeg.

The taoiseach was strongly criticised after he revealed details of his contact with Mr Trump during a speech in Washington last month during his St Patrick’s Day visit.

Planning permission for the wind farm, proposed by Clare Coastal Wind Power, was ultimately refused by Clare county council and An Bord Pleanála upon appeal. Fáilte Ireland made one of 40 submissions to the council and argued that the proliferation of wind farms in west Clare would “detract” from tourism in the area.

Documents released under freedom of information show that Paddy Mathews, a senior executive at Fáilte Ireland, commissioned the report a day after Mr Varadkar’s intervention on February 24. AOS Planning, a consultancy firm, was charged with compiling the report to determine the likely impact on the value of local tourism amenities, including Doonbeg Lodge and Golf Course, owned by Mr Trump.

Records show that on February 25 a personal assistant of Shaun Quinn, Fáilte Ireland chief executive at the time, had asked Mr Mathews for an update on Mr Varadkar’s email. “Shaun [Quinn] asked me to contact you to see how you are getting on with the response he is waiting to go back to the minister with,” the assistant wrote.

Later that day Mr Mathews replied and said that the report was being ordered in line with normal policies and procedures. A spokesman for the agency yesterday repeated that the report was in line with standard practice.

The report was one of a number of similar assessments commissioned by Fáilte Ireland in relation to the proposed wind farm over a period of almost three years. Details of the assessment sought from AOS were included in emails between Mr Mathews and Mr Quinn.

Despite the records appearing to show that a response to Mr Varardkar was being drafted by Fáilte Ireland, a spokesman for the Department of Tourism said Mr Varadkar did not receive any reply. A spokesman for the taoiseach said it was a matter for the department.

Fáilte Ireland said it had no records from Mr Quinn in relation to the matter as it had deleted his emails after his departure from the tourism body in December 2016 as it was its policy to do so with all former employees within six months of them leaving.

The documents released to The Times show that the assessment commissioned the day after Mr Varadkar’s email concluded that the proposed wind farm would have a “slight to moderate” effect on Mr Trump’s Doonbeg resort. The conclusion was not included in Fáilte Ireland’s formal submission to Clare county council in September 2014. Instead it concluded that the impact on Doonbeg village was considered “moderate”. The report by AOS, commissioned in February, also highlighted the visual impact of the wind farm on the general Doonbeg area and views from the N67, which forms part of the Wild Atlantic Way. These were repeated in Fáilte Ireland’s submission to the local authority.

Fáilte Ireland last night denied that it had left the conclusion of the earlier report out of its final submission after the intervention by Mr Varadkar. “Both these [documents] were carried out by independent consultants and were not influenced by any circumstances beyond the relevant tourism impact considerations,” a Fáilte Ireland spokesman said.

He claimed it was “misleading” to equate the two documents but said they both concluded that the salient matter was “the excessive concentration of development of wind farms in this one part of the country”.

The dates of the documents showed that Fáilte Ireland had been following plans for a wind farm near Doonbeg since 2012, he said.

The taoiseach’s spokesman said any changes between the consultant’s report and the submission to the county council was “entirely a decision” for Fáilte Ireland. “All the taoiseach did was pass on an email,” he said.

Following his revelation last month, the taoiseach insisted that his actions were “entirely above board”.

TURBINE TURMOIL

January 2012 Fáilte Ireland makes submission about 45-turbine wind farm outside Doonbeg
July 2013 An Bord Pleanála refuses planning permission
February 3, 2014 Fresh application submitted for 9-turbine wind farm outside Doonbeg near original site
February 21 Donald Trump calls Leo Varadkar, then the tourism minister, about effect on his golf course
February 24 Mr Varadkar conveys Mr Trump’s concerns to Shaun Quinn, Fáilte Ireland chief executive, via email
February 25 Fáilte Ireland commissions report from AOS, a planning consultancy, on the wind farm, which finds its impact on Doonbeg golf course would be “moderate-slight”
September 10 Fáilte Ireland makes submission to An Bord Pleanála on wind farm without reference to Mr Trump’s resort and the consultancy’s finding
October Planning permission refused by Clare county council
July 2015 An Bord Pleanála rejects the appeal by Clare Coastal Wind Power against the council’s decision
March 15, 2017 Mr Varadkar reveals during visit to Washington he made enquiries about wind farm after being contacted by Mr Trump

The Funeral Murders

Posted by Jim on April 19, 2018

Brian Morgan challenges the bias in a recent documentary covering the deaths of two British soldiers in 1988.

I have just seen the BBC documentary The Funeral Murders by Vanessa Engle (Here). Ms Engle’s makes no attempt to understand or investigate events of 1988 nor to be balanced. Instead the film-maker seems to take the opportunity to re-affirm, 30 years later, the depiction of the people of west Belfast as savages or hyenas; and in case you missed her emphasis the first time the footage of the hyenas was played a second time for good measure. Ms Engle’s does not make any pretence that she is trying to understand or investigate the events of 1988. She offers nothing new but has studiously left undisturbed the contradictions to the official accounts, which remain to be answered.

I was involved in the events that occurred at both funerals. I was not a member of the IRA nor had I any training on how to respond to armed gunmen attacking civilians. All the contributors, including the 3 IRA/Republican spokespersons seem to overlook that the majority of those who pursued Michael Stone or disarmed the 2 Corporals were ordinary members of the public and not members of the IRA.

I was one of the civilian majority on both occasions; at Milltown we could say there was at least a 2:1 ratio of civilian/IRA involvement (based on those killed); and in Andersonstown the civilian ratio is even higher if we consider the number of civilians who received convictions ranging from suspended sentences up to life imprisonment. To this day I remain confident that I acted impeccably on both occasions and at no time did I act like a hyena nor did I witness anyone else behave that way.

There are 2 important comparisons to be made: after Stone had been caught and disarmed the Security Forces moved in to rescue him. Whereas, they deserted the 2 Corporals knowing that they could have intervened. In both cases the members of the public who apprehended these armed attackers did no more than rough them up a bit in order to disarm them. For example, both Corporals were able to walk unassisted to Casement Park where members of the IRA awaited them.

In Milltown, myself and Thomas McErlean (I did not know him at the time) were at the front of the chase after Michael Stone. We were running after him along the fence. The angle of the footage from the graveyard gives a false sense of the pursuing crowd being more tightly grouped than we actually were. In reality, there was a notable gap between us and those behind us. When Stone reached the end of the fence close to the motorway Thomas McErlean told me that he had been hit. I caught hold of him while he was still on his feet. As I kneeled beside him I could not see what was wrong with him and did not know what to do. When someone arrived, that seemed to know what to do Thomas turned his face toward me and told me that he was ok and for me to keep chasing Stone: “Don’t let him get away.” he insisted. I continued to chase after Stone. I was again at the head of the chase and each time I tried to get ahead of Stone he would shoot at me to stop me encircling him. A container lorry was stopped on the road ahead of us and when I reached it I used it for cover to sprint ahead. Another man from Nansen Street in Iveagh was with me. We managed to get ahead of Stone and cut off his route. While Stone fired shots at us this afforded another man the chance to come up behind him. This man initially had a large traffic cone to hit Stone with but it was too unwieldy and as Stone realised he was there the man quickly dropped the cone and wrapped an arm around Stone’s neck pulling him backwards. As Stone stumbled he threw his last grenade among his pursuers, a boy (from Beechmount), in his early or mid-teens quickly kicked the grenade down the embankment where it exploded harmlessly. A number of us descended onto Stone from every direction. I managed to get his gun. I had never handled a revolver before and by the time I realised the gun was empty a larger crowd had descended on Stone that only his legs remained visible to me. I later learned that a second gun had fallen out of his pocket –apparently, this gun had jammed because the wrong size bullets were in it.

At the funeral 3 days later, I was near the back when I heard the commotion and screeching of car wheels. I sprinted forward. I arrived as one suspected loyalist was being brought to the ground. For a moment I saw his gun lying on the road. As I went to reach for it someone else lifted it. I then noticed 2 men wrestling with each other. One was a steward and the other I knew to see from the Davis area. I initially thought he had the gun and the steward had mistaken him for another loyalist attacker. I broke them up and when I turned around again the suspected loyalist was standing up and someone began to lead him toward Casement Park. I was standing by the front door of the attacker’s car when someone told me to search the front while he searched the back of the car. This man opened a holdall and made a sharp intake of air at whatever he saw. As we looked at each other between the front seats he told me to drive. I did not know how to drive and he then told me to clear the road for him. I thought it might have been explosives in the bag and shouted for everyone to clear the road because there was a bomb in the car. A space opened up and the car revved away.

Afterwards the BBC broadcast a blatantly false report; the claim was (and still is) that after leaving North Howard Street Mill the soldiers should have turned left instead of right on the Falls Road –one route would have afforded them safety along the M1 the other provided only danger on the Andersonstown Road. It was such a false claim I figured it was only for the benefit of anyone who did not know Belfast, (the Soldiers Families for example) because everyone here knows the Grosvenor, Broadway and Donegal Roads are all direct access roads onto the motorway, as is Kennedy Way also. Ms Engle’s did not try to correct the record but repeated the inaccurate historical BBC narrative. Nor did Ms Engle’s make any attempt to challenge or question the official account from the MoD.

There is persuasive evidence that these 2 soldiers did not leave North Howard Street Barracks as alleged but where in fact based in in the Andersonstown area that day. For example, the documentary unwittingly reveals that the Soldiers were initially identified by a commanding RUC officer in Andersonstown because they were driving one of his unmarked patrol cars from Woodbourne Barracks.

Senior Republican, Danny Morrison gave his personal view about something he obviously had no first-hand knowledge about. No one involved in the initial disarming of both suspected loyalists had any idea both attackers were Military personnel. In addition, an anonymous IRA spokesperson berated how the public responded under attack. The IRA took control of the situation at a later stage, ultimately shooting both soldiers. I don’t think the Country IRA apply a higher standard when they shoot their semi naked victims and dump their bodies along the border. I also assume, that this man’s closest experience, if any, of contact with his enemy might be no more than through a pair of binoculars on a command-wire half a mile away from any attack. It certainly, is not as a civilian up close and personal as in Milltown or Andersonstown.

In reply to Mr Morrison and the anonymous IRA man with regard to the initially suspected loyalists: 1) the IRA only took control of the situation once the 2 were inside Casement Park. Only then were the soldiers stripped and searched and that is the earliest stage when the 2 assumed loyalist attacker’s true identities could have become known.

Regardless of their identities, panicked and frightened civilians acted in unison in self-defence to prevent a deadly attack. It was the quick reaction of those closest to the car that day that prevented any civilian deaths had these men not been stopped. I would even say that there are probably people in France, London, Germany and the US wishing they could have reacted as quickly as unarmed civilians in Belfast did when faced with the same unknown dangers from gunmen driving at deadly speed into members of the public.

If the 2 Soldiers were, as contributors claim, so restrained and professional in the face of danger then they did not mount the footpath and drive at mourners out of panic as has been suggested, because they were the threat and not the mourners attending a funeral. One former Security Force contributor on the documentary was doing more to bemoan his disdain for the restrictions placed on the security forces from shooting Nationalists at random.

It has been said that, as professionals, the 2 Corporals tried to do what an amateur failed to do in Milltown Cemetery. From looking at a map that portion of the funeral route was probably the best location to spring an attack and still allow for the attackers to escape safely. However, they did not have the benefit of Google street view –an overhead map would not have shown the steel barrier between the road and the shops where their possible plan appears to have gone wrong. They drew level with where Adams & McGuinness where and only then realised there was a steel barrier between them. They could have kept driving forward to safety; the road ahead was clearing for them. Instead they reversed back the way they had come; they could have continued to reverse down the Andersons Road from where they came but they didn’t. Alternatively, they could have turned up Slemish Way but they choose not to. Instead they turned the wheels of the car to attempt to make another run at the cortege but this time without the barrier obstructing them. Their way was blocked this time by the quick thinking of a taxi driver. Even then they could still have reversed to safety further along the Andersonstown Road in the direction they had come.

Just like one of the contributors, I too was an ordinary Catholic from west Belfast and these attacks made their mark on me. There is no dispute that these 2 soldiers died an awful death: what needn’t have happened did.

The 2 attacking soldiers were not as restrained as they are posthumously being credited with. The soldier in the passenger seat attempted to shoot at the crowd but his gun jammed. The driver could not get a clear shot at those tackling his partner. He fired a shot and then attempted to get out of the car to get a clear shot at those grappling with his partner. He was prevented from killing anyone by the quick thinking of those close by.

However, they were prevented from killing anyone and none of the critics in the documentary, suggest how members of the public should react when under violent attack from gun, grenade or high speed car? The Loyalist contributor was unshaking for his pragmatic opinion that his community would have reacted the same way under similar circumstances.

I, and those who acted with me, acted with the best intention to bring 2 deadly situations to a stop and to prevent innocent civilians from being killed. It was not our fault these 2 soldiers recklessly put their own lives, and the lives of others, at risk. They could have withdrawn but choose not to but instead decided to attack at speed in their car.

As mostly civilians, we acted as best we could, our attackers were armed and we were not, we had no training and we were unprepared. I dare say that that there are people wishing they had been able to act sooner on the Promenade des Anglais on Bastile Day in 2016 to stop or limit the number of innocent people killed that day. It was only by luck and not design that the 2 Corporals did not kill anyone when they mounted foot paths and drove at deadly speed at mourners or because one of their guns jammed and the other soldier was quickly disarmed before getting a clear shot.

Equally, the Security Forces held back from rescuing their own men because they thought Nationalists/ Republicans were on the receiving end and not their own. It is not our fault they made a bad judgment call. Ms Engle’s further displays her own bias when being told by a senior RUC officer in charge that he was being ordered to act contrary to his own best judgment; Ms Engle’s did not try to discover who gave him his orders in March 1988 or why? What was her point?

Nor did she question how Michael Stone came to use an RUC issue revolver in his attack? The Official line is that the RUC officer who may have aided and abetted in the Milltown Attack could not be identified because the serial number on his gun had been filed off. That is baloney, it is well established forensic science that the indentation of a serial number on metal cannot be fully removed because it is still discernible at molecular level. Nor was she concerned that MI5 armed Loyalists with the very grenades that Stone used in his deadly attack in Milltown Cemetery.

The Security Forces had an arsenal of camera’s trained on Milltown Cemetery, not least from Broadway Towers or several helicopters: it is inconceivable that they did not track where the white van went or get a picture of the number plate.

Some years ago within British Military circles questions were being asked about the mysterious death of a member of the Military Police in Afghanistan. Members of the British Army for some reason related this man’s mysterious death to something he discovered when tasked to investigate Michael Stone’s attack on mourners in Milltown Cemetery.

Ms Engle’s has made no attempt to understand or investigate the outstanding questions that remain from those attacks and the security Forces role in either attack. Instead she made a documentary to re-demonise Nationalist’s/Republican’s for acting in self-defence 30 years ago. I am not only proud of how I responded and conducted myself but with every Islamic attack in Europe or elsewhere I only wish other civilians could follow our example; whether their attackers are armed with guns, knives or cars.

Fighting the Empire – Dublin in the Revolutionary Years

Posted by Jim on

 
 Matt Treacy journeys back a century in time to Dublin.
Dublin between the defeat of the 1916 Rising and the resurgence of the revolution after 1917 was a grim place for many of its inhabitants. A Local Government Board report in 1917 on the health of mothers and children stated that the infant mortality rate in the city was 160.3 per 1,000. 9% of children born in the city died before they reached the age of one. To put that into perspective it was around twice the current child mortality rate of even the most impoverished and conflict ridden African countries.
In one week alone, in April 1917, eighteen children had died of measles in Dublin. Destitution haunted tens of thousands and unemployment was a virtual death sentence, but even having a job was no guarantee of surviving the grim streets on which Big Jim Larkin had once thundered witnessed the daily crucifixion of Christ. In the first week of April, 1917, the St. Joseph’s Night Refuge on Cork Street run by the Sisters of Mercy had taken in 539 women workers and their children.
There were those who thrived like cockroaches on the city’s misery. The women who ran the brothels with the help of male thugs, or “bullies” as they were known in Dublin parlance, seem to be partly glorified in Joyce’s Ulysses. They were anything but romantic rebels against convention. One of them was Eliza Mack who ran a brothel in Mecklenburgh Street. She lived at 85 Lower Tyrone Street which became Railway Street. In the 1901 Census, her “lodgers” are variously listed as a dressmaker, lace maker, waitress, milliner, housemaid and servant. They were all aged between 21 and 32, Mack was 50, and all other than perhaps the servant were prostitutes.
None of the women in the house were born in Dublin and two of them were English. Mack herself was born in Cork, which lends credence to the belief that most of the women working in the “kips” were originally from outside of the city and had been forced by one means or another to work for the likes of Mack. As they aged and their looks faded like Dicey Reilly they moved to cheaper rougher establishments and eventually onto the streets. Becky Cooper was another of the main brothel keepers who also had a house on Mecklenburgh Street. Some have speculated that Joyce based his Bella Cohen on Becky Cooper, although curiously there was a 58 year old Anne Cohen who lived at 14 Mecklenburgh Lane in 1901.
Cooper’s brother, John “Chanters” or “Shankers” Ryan, who was a Military Policeman was shot dead by the IRA Squad in Hynes pub 19 Lower Gloucester Place on February 6, 1921. He had been the tout who had led the Auxies to the house on Gloucester Street, now Seán MacDermott Street, where Dick McKee and Peadar Clancy were staying on November 20, 1920. Ryan lived on Railway Street and Gloucester Place connected it to Gloucester Street.
Among those others who fed off the desperation of the poor were the moneylenders. On November 20, 1917, two moneylenders, a mother and daughter Josephine and Mary McMahon of 2 Lower Gardiner Street were fined a total of £30 for charging exorbitant interest rates – calculated at 1300% over the year – and having kept the papers of women who were married to soldiers to ensure that they would repay what was owed from the “separation” or “ring” money. In one case a woman who had borrowed 23 shillings – £1 3s – was liable to pay back £4 12s.
One of the causes of lack of money was the high cost of housing, even for those who were working. Apart from that the standard of housing in Dublin was bad. That did lead to the Corporation to propose a number of housing schemes in the city, but they were not greeted with much enthusiasm by anyone. Land owners demanded high prices for sites, and others objected to the poor quality of the housing proposed.
In September an inquiry by P.C Cowan of the Local Government Board, who wrote a report on the housing situation in Dublin, assessed the application of the city authorities for a £191,150 loan to build houses. The standard set for the homes does not sound very attractive. They were to consist of three rooms, with a nine foot by seven foot bedroom with no provision for hot water or baths as they were deemed to be too expensive. There were to be 26 houses per acre which both the Tenants Association, who argued for a maximum of ten, and the Dublin Watch Committee, believed was too congested and would create new slums. Rents were set at between 6s and 10s a week, which was thought too high for many on low incomes.
As the extension of a limited franchise to women seemed increasingly likely, a meeting in the Mansion house on March 14 1917 proposed that the enfranchisement of women be made an integral part of any solution of the “Irish question.” The meeting was supported by a disparate range of organisations; from the Irish Catholic Women Suffrage Association to the Conservative and Unionist Suffrage Association. Mrs. De Burgh Daly of the Church League for Women Suffrage referred to the fact that some Dublin women were earning as little as 10 or 12s a week, and some girls as little as 6s, and that that alone entitled them to an “unanswerable claim to a share in the government of the country.”
The Unionists and Redmondites, fearful of the outcome of an election held on a much wider franchise, began to equivocate on the whole issue of the expanded franchise, including for women. There were even proposals that Ireland be excluded from the new legislation so as not to threaten the status quo. It was alleged that the Irish Tories and Redmondites were attempting to apply pressure on Lloyd George to hold any new general election on the old register.
At a meeting on October 30 1917, presided over by Lord Mayor O’Neill, opposition was made clear to any attempt to exclude Ireland from a new electoral act. When confronted over his new stance on the issue of women’s suffrage, Redmond had apparently said that he had not changed his mind. A message from Arthur Griffith to the meeting declared that Sinn Féin “repudiated the authority of men who pretended to represent Ireland attempting to prevent Irish men and Irish women receiving their franchise which was their right.”
Although Catholic social activists supported improving the lot of working people, most of the efforts of Catholic groups were taken up with moral issues. Count Plunkett, father of Joseph executed following the Rising and who had won the North Roscommon seat as an abstentionist republican candidate in February 1917, spoke at a Catholic Truth Society conference on October 11. His main focus was on the dangers facing Irish girls who travelled to England to work in munitions factories, given that England was now a “largely paganised country.”
Fr. R. Devane spoke on the dangers of socialism. As workers acquired expanded political rights the question was whether they would abide by Catholic social teaching, or embrace atheistic socialism. The key to ensuring that they would follow the Faith of their Fathers was for the church to reach out to the working man and to “espouse the cause of the weak and oppressed.” In common with most Catholic activists, he was careful not to disparage Connolly who he said had “spoke on behalf of the oppressed through the compelling mouths of Mauser rifles,” but that what was really required was the formation of a Catholic Social League, similar to that founded in Cork.
The Cork league had been formed in July 1917 by Professor Alfred O’Rahilly in frustration at the refusal of the local St. Vincent de Paul society to seriously address issues such as the exploitation of workers in Cork. The type of “Catholic Action” decried by O’Rahilly was epitomised in Dublin by the Vigilance Association or Committee which was obsessed with “evil literature” and the nefarious impact of the theatre and cinema rather than the conditions of life of the objects of their moral concern.
In October 1917 the Vigilance Association managed to persuade Dublin Corporation to appoint two of its members, E.M Gough and A.J Murray as voluntary film censors. That was proposed by Sir Charles Cameron, who was in charge of the Public Health Department for the Corporation. He was also a leading Freemason in Dublin, and the Corporation was still dominated by members of the Irish Party and Unionists in 1917. The desire to police public morality was by no means the preserve of militant Catholics, and was a common feature of all western countries after World War I. The Vigilance Committee attended screenings of what they deemed to be immoral films and then reported them to the Corporation in an effort to persuade cinema owners to withdraw the offending items.
As the national struggle began to intensify so too did the strains produced by external events. In 1918 they were to range from the attempts to introduce conscription in the final months of World War I, to the devastation caused by the influenza and pneumonia epidemic that beset the city later in the year. All of that impacted upon the politics of Dublin with increased social tension around housing and workers wages and conditions.
At its AGM in January, the Dublin Watch Committee continued to call for more urgency and higher standards in relation to housing in the city. They were also concerned, in the spirit of civic responsibility, as were the religiously motivated guardians of public morality, with the consequences of sexual misadventure. Mrs. Tarpey said that there was an urgent need to tackle the problem of venereal disease, and that there was “something absolutely rotten” about Dublin.
Republicans also saw the need to tackle the terrible poverty that afflicted the city. A meeting of the South Dublin Guardians heard a proposal from the Wood Quay Sinn Féin cumann that part of the rates be used to buy food at wholesale cost price to be sold to the poor. The chairman said that they had no power to do any such thing. Sinn Féin had established a committee to prevent the export of food to Britain. Its Director of Food, Diarmuid Lynch had been arrested following the seizure of pigs on the North Circular Road en route to the North Wall and the boat. Matters did not end well for our porcine friends as apparently they were brought to Donnelly’s pig factory on Cork Street and slaughtered.
The Dáil continued to push such a policy and also supported the introduction of tillage rather than the rearing of animals for live export, but given the interests of many farmers in the latter, and the fact that many had done well during the war, there were obvious tensions over such notions within the movement. Such madness as buying food for the poor would certainly not have impressed the prudent bourgeois of the Dublin Chamber of commerce who demanded an inquiry into Corporation accounts as they felt that the burden of paying for the workhouses and asylums was too onerous.
Some had a sunnier view of the city despite its apparent woes. A Daily Express visitor enthused about the “streets, brilliantly lighted.. thronged with gay crowds. The men discuss Sinn Féin or sport and the women the “pictures.” The great DMP languidly stroll along with nothing to do and plenty of time to do it.” That would not last long.