Posted by Jim on November 3, 2013
Sean Bresnahan warns that an attempt is being made to rewrite history,
with some victims of the conflict being targeted and discriminated
against, even in death.
What are we to make of the furore in Unionism surrounding the unveiling
of a plaque to Thomas Begley at the weekend in Ardoyne and what can it
tell us about the troublesome question that seems to have paralysed the
political process in the six-counties – what or who is a victim? Placed
against the backdrop of ‘Castlederg’ among other things, such as the
need to designate as living in Northern Ireland in order to get on the
electoral register, we can determine that much of this is the
outworkings of a cultural war designed to revise history and in doing so
legitimise the continuing, ongoing British partition and occupation of
Ireland.
For this to succeed then republicanism has to be labelled as the bad
guy, singularly intent on all manner of death and destruction, while the
state was merely an upholding agent of the law. The causes of conflict
that led to nearly 30 years of violent insurrection against that state
and its laws do not come into it and are to be minimised to the greatest
extent possible.
The IRA are to blame and this is to be the defining narrative, there can
be no equivocation between the Provo war and its resulting casualties
and that of the state and those who died or received injury at the hands
of the state. Thus commemorating dead IRA Volunteers is beyond what’s
socially acceptable while paying homage to the mass-murdering British
Army each November at the Cenotaph is something to be lauded and held in
an elevated esteem and as a source of pride. Those wretched Catholics
are still to be shown their place it seems in the supposedly all-new
‘bright and shiny Northern Ireland’.
Watching the Nolan show on Wednesday night past I have to admit to
feeling the calculated and sweeping bias that continues to infect
everything about this place in the way the programme was set up. It
wasn’t difficult to sense that the governing rationale behind this
so-called ‘debate’ on victimhood is to ensure the criminalisation of the
IRA and everything it stood and fought for. For the likes of not only
Nigel Dodds and many within his constituency but the British government
itself it seems the only true victims were those killed by the dastardly
Provisionals; everything else, from Ballymurphy to Bloody Sunday to
Malachy Boyle’s and Loughinisland, is secondary in the dubious context
that the IRA killed the most people during the conflict; as if that
somehow absolves the actions of the state and its paramilitary
off-shoots.
I don’t seek to detract here from the awful pain no doubt felt by those
who suffered as a result of the Shankill bombing, on which the programme
focused, but my wife and I wondered where were the survivors of Kennedy
Way, where was the in-depth coverage of these horrendous killings? The
short synopsis dedicated to the violence inflicted on the totally
innocent people of the sleepy Derry village of Greysteel, an attack some
hold to have involved the participation of a Special Branch informer,
smacked of an afterthought to avoid accusations of political bias. The
whole unseemly episode strikes me as indicative of a predetermined
agenda to separate the violence of Irish republicans from that of the
state and its agents through the construction of a hierarchy of victims.
Perhaps even more worrying is that Sinn Fein now appears to have at
least partially bought into this logic.
The decision to light up Belfast City Hall in the colour of the red
Poppy, the traditional emblem to remember not just those in Britain’s
armed forces who died in war but also those who served in those wars,
including those who participated in the most recent Irish troubles (such
as the SAS killers of Peter Cleary, Seamus McElwaine, Tony McBride,
Willy Price and many, many others), is surely yet another example of the
Sinn Fein leadership bending the knee and hoping for a few crumbs from
the master’s table. It seems they are required or obliged to continually
demonstrate their suitability for government, in the process further
legitimising British actions in Ireland and, importantly in terms of
attempts to create a hierarchy of victims and thus a monopoloy on the
legitimacy of the use of force, without a corresponding quid pro quo for
the actions of Irish republicans – sackcloth and ashes spring to mind.
John O’Dowd’s recent admission on the BBC that future republican
commemorations would have to be “looked at” in the context of the uproar
about Castlederg feeds further into this line of thought, a result no
doubt of the Tyrone Volunteers’ Day parade in that town provoking the
ire of Unionism. Indeed it was stated as one of the reasons for its
reneging on the redevelopment of the Long Kesh prison complex.
The reality is that both the British state and political Unionism are
intent on exploiting the dependence of Sinn Fein’s current strategy on
its need to be in government and its need to demonstrate continuing
electoral strength and relevance. They are under no political pressure
to provide any equivalence between the IRA’s campaign and that of the
British military and its paramilitary extensions and feel more than
comfortable in pushing the boundaries further and further, secure in the
knowledge that for Sinn Fein to attempt any sort of a walk-out at this
stage of the game spells lights out.
Because both the Brits and the Unionists are acutely aware that Sinn
Fein has lost the confidence of the republican community and now depend
on the middle classes to maintain their political position. Any return
to the radical street politics of old is simply a non-starter, despite
the ‘looking over the shoulder’ we now see in an attempt to claw back
the ground ceded to an emerging breed of republicans unwilling to
participate any further in this normalisation process. The bluff has
been called. It’s expected of Sinn Fein to cede the right of the British
side to honour its dead, indeed expectations are that not only should
this be tolerated but indeed actively facilitated. Meanwhile those on
our side are increasingly referred to as terrorists and criminals in a
type of language not heard in many years, though of course it has always
been there beneath the surface. It’s just that now they feel safe to
openly declare things so without jeopardising the continued
participation of republicans in the British political arrangements here.
But not everyone is prepared to sit back and allow this
counter-revolutionary narrative to embed itself to the point where it is
beyond challenge.
Hard as it may be for those directly affected to acknowledge, and
understandably so, neither Thomas Begley, Sean Kelly or indeed the
Provisional IRA itself intended the devastating, horrifying consequences
of the Shankill bombing. There will be those that argue there is no
excuse and can be no excuse but whether we like it or not we simply
can’t divorce this sad event in our history from the context in which it
took place – a 25 year terrorist war inflicted on the Irish people by
the British state in which men and women had little option but to defend
their communities from foreign aggression and attack.
Yes to an extent by the end of this terrible period in our history much
of the violence may have degenerated into a series of horrifying
incidents one after the other but that was certainly not the fault of
the IRA alone as they would have us believe. Indeed when it comes to
determining who was at fault for this the Provisionals are at the lower
end of the spectrum, ultimate blame lies with those who created and
sustained the conditions in which such barbarism flourished – the
British state and its occupation of the North. Had these conditions not
been there in the first place young men like Thomas Begley would not
have felt the need to join a paramilitary army and to undertake the
actions that they did.
This is the narrative that needs to be rubbed out as the battle over who
gets to write history is waged relentlessly by those on the British
side, with incidents such as the one in question to be manipulated and
exploited to maximum effect in pursuit of this agenda. The most recent
offering of the Nolan Show is no exception to this process.
At the finish of the thing it seems that both the British and Unionism
are more determined now than ever to use the advantageous strategic
position they have been gifted by the weakness of Sinn Fein and the
inadequacies of its political strategy to attain in times of peace what
they could never have achieved during the war – the criminalisation of
the indigenous resistance to Britain’s Irish policy.
Having secured for the Northern Ireland state a much greater degree of
legitimacy than would likely have been thought possible, by convincing
republicans to accept and normalise with the governing political
institutions and arrangements here, bound as they are within the
framework of the British sovereign claim once opposed by the armed
struggle of the Provisional IRA, all this has been made possible. The
current efforts to elevate victims of IRA actions to a morally superior
plateau than those who died at the hands of the British state and its
proxies are part and parcel of this renewed criminalisation offensive.
For Britain the war is not over and will not be so until republicans,
even if they do so only tacitly, acknowledge their total defeat and
subservience to the enemy. Achieving a disparity in legitimacy between
British state violence, which is to be seen as morally upright, and that
of those who resisted the British occupation, which is to be seen as
morally reprehensible, is the tool through which they hope to achieve
this long sought-after goal, in the process legitimising not only
British state terror but British rule and the British occupation itself.
They will not succeed.
Posted by Jim on October 21, 2013
The Court of Appeal is to consider its judgement in the apparent
miscarriage of justice for John Paul Wootton and Brendan McConville.
PSNI policeman Stephen Carroll died in a Continuity IRA ambush in
Craigavon in March 2009. Wootton and McConville were arrested amid a
British ‘security’ backlash over his death and convicted by a special
juryless court on the thinnest of grounds.
McConville is serving at least a 25-year-sentence for the attack, while
Wootton received a minimum 14-year term, but their cause has since been
taken up by both Irish and international justice campaigners.
Over the past two weeks, a devastating case has been presented to the
Court of Appeal by the lawyers for Wootton and McConville calling for
their convictions to be thrown out.
A court heard on Thursday that the PSNI had deliberately subverted and
manipulated earlier appeal proceedings and had been openly biased
against the two men.
Mr McConville’s barrister also argued that the weak case against him had
been destroyed by an affidavit that a key prosecution witness, ‘Witness
M’, was a compulsive liar.
ABUSE OF PROCESS
As the eight-day hearing drew to a close, the PSNI came under attack for
arresting Witness M’s father after he supplied the affidavit, accusing
his son of dishonesty.
He was detained following a covert surveillance operation at his home
before being released without charge.
The PSNI suggested, without supporting their statement, that he had been
coerced into testifying against his own son to favour the men’s appeal.
Barry Macdonald QC, for McConville, said those claims had strengthened
their concerns of an abuse of process.
“Specifically his arrest, detention and interrogation represented a
subversion of the appeal process,” he said.
Dismissing the claim that the man had been abducted by gunmen, Mr
Macdonald said the PSNI had blankly refused to consider the possibility
that he supplied his affidavit voluntarily.
“It’s not open to police to pre-empt appeals, no matter how important
the case may be, by arresting a witness and then subjecting him to
interrogation in police custody under threat that he’s liable to be
charged with a serious criminal offence if he doesn’t withdraw his
affidavit,” he said.
“Their conduct clearly had a chilling effect both on (Witness M’s
father) and on anyone else who might dare to come forward to give
evidence which would not support the prosecution case.”
According to Mr Macdonald, the father’s testimony “effectively destroys
the evidence on which this entire prosecution hinged, the evidence of
Witness M.”
He said no attempt had been made to challenge core claims by the new
witness that his son was “a dishonest fantasist who believed his own
lies and was in many ways a pathetic character to be pitied rather than
blamed”.
MANIPULATION
Scathing criticism was also directed at the PSNI for their failure to
investigate the possibility that a note found in McConville’s remand
cell in 2009 — with the car registration details of the Maghaberry
Prison governor — had been planted by jail staff.
When former prisoner ombudsman Pauline McCabe reached that conclusion,
the PSNI blamed her for “clouding the waters” on the chances of
successfully prosecuting McConville for the discovery, Mr Macdonald told
the court.
He said it reflected the PSNI’s attitude on the evidence in the murder
inquiry.
Urging the judges to quash the conviction, he concluded: “The net effect
was that the police did manipulate this appeal in more ways than one.”
The hearings were clearly upsetting and difficult for the families. The
widow of the victim, Kate Carroll, was seen to comfort Brendan
McConville’s mother after she became distressed during a hotly contested
session on Wednesday evening.
Following closing submissions Chief Justice Morgan said all material put
before the court had to be considered before a verdict is reached. He
said: “We will reserve our judgment but we will give it as soon as we
can.”
Posted by Jim on October 15, 2013
Three elected Leinster House TDs were video-recorded by specialist PSNI police as they attempted to speak to the family of a jailed republican activist, it has emerged.
Family and friends of eirigi member Stephen Murney had gathered at Newry courthouse last week for a hearing on ‘trumped up’ charges against the outspoken republican involving items of clothing and computer images of police.
The three TDs – Clare Daly, Maureen O’Sullivan and Mick Wallace – had attended the court to observe proceedings in the case.
One of the TDs directly challenged the PSNI as to the legality of recording what was essentially a confidential conversation between the three parliamentarians and Mr Murney’s partner and parents.
The PSNI also continuously monitored and video-recorded all those taking part in a protest against his internment outside the courthouse. Those present at the committal hearing only observed a further judicial delay as the hearing was postponed for a further two weeks.
It later emerged that the eirigi man was forcibly strip-searched twice in Maghaberry prison as he was taken to court and then again on his return from prison.
Speaking after the hearing, eirigi’s Breandan Mac Cionnaith said, “the PSNI, the prosecution and the court system in the Six Counties have successfully colluded with each other to ensure that Stephen has now been imprisoned for almost a year.
“Wednesday’s hearing again resulted in yet more unacceptable delays with the dual purpose of prolonging Stephen’s imprisonment and penalising his family.
“Despite all this, Stephen and his family remain in good spirits and remain confident that he will be completely vindicated of those charges laid against him.”
COREY DELAY
Meanwhile, a hearing for republican prisoner of conscience Martin Corey was due to be held this week but was also postponed by Parole Commissioners.
The 63-year-old republican has been interned by a British order since April 2010. He is facing no charges and authorities have refused to tell him or his legal team why he was detained.
Campaigners say the Lurgan man has the right to go before Parole Commissioners for a review every 12 months but that he hasn’t been given that opportunity in more than two years.
South Down MP Margaret Ritchie says she intends to “make representations” to British Direct Ruler Theresa Villiers on the matter.
“It is a form of internment,” she said. “The bottom line is we need to get the Martin Corey case resolved for himself, his family and the sake of the wider community.”
A long-time friend of the Lurgan republican, Jim McIlmurray, said Mr Corey already served the equivalent of a seven-year prison sentence and spoke of his concerns about the state of his health.
“If Martin had committed a crime they would have charged him at this stage,” he said.
Mr Corey’s case was raised in the Dail this week by Independent TD Maureen Sullivan, while Clare Daly TD raised Mr Murney’s case.
Sandy Boyer
Posted by Jim on October 12, 2013
By Brian Feeney (for Irish News)
Sinn Fein spokesmen have been queuing up to express disappointment at
what they complain is a lack of unionist leadership. Where have they
been? Perhaps they have read no history but most of them have lived
through the whole period of the Troubles and therefore the present
stance of unionist politicians should come as no surprise to them.
Unionists have always used violence or the threat of violence to get
their way. For them to join in common cause with the UVF in north and
east Belfast is entirely consistent with past behaviour.
Forty years ago exactly senior figures in what was then the Official
Unionist Party and the DUP sat down with loyalist terrorists to conspire
to destroy any attempt to establish a power-sharing executive. The
following year 1974, members of both parties sat around the table with
the UDA and UVF to organise and carry out the UWC strike which brought
the north to a standstill. Just run your mind over all the other
instances of unionist politicians standing four square with men from
organisations which were relentlessly killing Catholics. Indeed
unionists voted men from the same organisations into ceremonial
positions in councils. Then there’s the ‘Carson Trail’, the ‘Third
Farce’, the 1986 ‘Day of Action’ against the Anglo-Irish Agreement, not
to mention Ulster Resistance with Peter Robinson looking ridiculous in
his red beret and glasses. Why then should anyone in Sinn Fein be
surprised or disappointed to find Robinson throwing in his lot with the
wilder shores of unionism? Don’t forget Robinson has form. Form in the
shape of a criminal conviction for leading a mob into Clontibret which
terrorised the village and injured two gardai.
After a brief flirtation with moderation in 2011 Robinson returned to
form last year when he belatedly added his name to the notorious letter
signed by practically every senior unionist elected in Belfast which
attacked the Parades Commission and encouraged defiance of its
determinations. Oh, and by the way those determinations have the force
of law though we’re all waiting (but not with bated breath) for anyone
to be convicted for a breach of a determination. What we’re witnessing
in the last year is a unionist counter-revolution against the Good
Friday Agreement. Piece by piece and bit by bit unionists are working to
dismantle the agreement. They have stopped working the executive. It
operates only in sectarian silos, each department a law unto itself.
Robinson’s unilateral U-turn on the Maze/Long Kesh deal means that there
is no Programme for Government any more, not mind you that it was
operative. However, Robinson’s U-turn on an item in the programme is a
precedent which means that he can walk away from any item with impunity.
You can spot the next target easily because Robinson’s next position is
Jim Allister’s current one. Whatever Allister sets his sights on is
where Robinson will be in a couple of months. Therefore the next target
is the definition of victim. Unionists will refuse to operate any deal
on the past until republican victims are excluded from it. In this
context the fact that after meeting Dr Haass unionists scuttled up to
Twaddell Avenue to signal solidarity with the Orange Order and UVF is
highly significant. Letting loud mouths from the order do their dirty
work has always been normal practice for unionist politicians. You stand
behind them on the platform and in the case of Nelson McCausland last
weekend applaud with your hands below your waist so the crowd and
journalists, though not the cameras, can see but your presence endorses
and justifies the remarks.
You can see why Sinn Fein is disappointed and dismayed by this behaviour
but if they review the last year they can come to only one conclusion
and it is that unionism has not changed in any way. The DUP has always
opposed the Good Friday Agreement, its principles and underlying
concepts. Now with the support of loyalist mobs they feel justified in
stopping operating it. Many in Sinn Fein now question whether they have
a partner in what they still call ‘government’. In the last year no DUP
minister has said a word to lead them to believe they have.