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Saturday, November 14, 2026

Helen on the Haas Initiative

Posted by Jim on January 10, 2014

Happy New Year Everyone:
 
The apparent collapse of the Haass Initiative once again shows that the Unionists have a very effective veto over all and any developments in the Six-Counties that might smack of progress for the Nationalist community.
 
Over the past year or so they have managed to block or otherwise undermine a long list of projects that may have been of benefit to Nationalists. These include a motorway from the Monaghan/Tyrone border to Derry City, a bridge linking counties Louth and Down and the Long Kesh development to name but some.
 
Towards the end of December, meanwhile, the DUP Stormont Finance Minister, Simon Hamilton, managed to outmaneuver the Stormont Agriculture Minister, Sinn Féin’s Michelle O’Neill, and prevent the transfer of £110 million in funds to cash starved, largely Nationalist community projects. Ironically, Hamilton used a Catholic Diplock Court judge to get his way. In typical timid-style Sinn Féin’s O’Neill did not challenge the ruling.
 
Part of the problem facing Nationalists, who are now the majority in the Six-Counties, lies in the fact that they have pathetically poor political leadership. Those supposedly protecting Nationalist interests have come to resemble a huddle of dazed, dopey sheep standing petrified while vicious Unionist dogs run rings around them.
 
A more significant problem is that under British-controlled Stormont Nationalists will forever be kept “in their place”. The time has now come to think outside the box.
 
I recently came across an old article which I found very interesting, considering that the Sinn Féin strategy to bring about a United Ireland has now collapsed into a hopeless mess. It was written by Gerry McGeough in December, 1995 when he was an Irish Republican political prisoner here in the United States. The article was one of Gerry’s very popular Éireann go Brách columns, which he wrote for The Irish People during his time in the States.
 
I asked Gerry if I could reproduce it and he agreed. Re-reading it he noted that most of it still holds true even after almost twenty years. This was long before the Good Friday Agreement and he admits that he didn’t think then that the Irish people would have abandoned Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution so easily, even though they were mostly symbolic in nature.
 
He also said that the proposed new Super-Councils would provide a better vehicle for Secession than the Westminster constituencies outlined in the original. He emphasized that it could be achieved through peaceful political action and that there would be no need for standing armies in the current context. Otherwise, he feels that the idea still has merit.
 
I think so too and hope that it will spark some kind of debate and much-needed new thinking on Irish independence.
 

Helen McClafferty

Timothy Cardinal Dolan: As the holidays approach, remember that it’s no season for a sourpuss

Posted by Jim on December 23, 2013

 

In the face of life’s everyday challenges, it’s too easy to be bad humored. Pope Francis reminds us to have faith that ‘all will work out for the good for those who believe’ at this joyful time of year.

By Timothy Cardinal Dolan / NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

 

What’s the Latin word for “sourpuss”? You got me. But that’s the expression Pope Francis uses in his recent letter on The Joy of the Gospel. It has to be the first time that word’s been used in a papal document!

Crabby, whining, frowning people — sourpusses! — according to Pope Francis, are in contradiction to belief.

If we have faith that all is in God’s loving, providential hands; that, as the Bible teaches, “all will work out for the good for those who believe,” a sense of quiet joy would then characterize our days. As Stephen Colbert remarked at Fordham University, “My sense of humor comes from my hope, because I believe God’s in charge, and all will work out. So, I can laugh!” Sure, there will be concerns, trials, and heartaches, at times nonstop, and these can cause tears, worry and questioning.

But, faith and hope keep us going. And smiles replace sourpusses.

That’s the meaning of both Chanukah and Christmas. At the dreariest time of the year, when the sun is at its lowest point, and the winds, dead earth, ice and darkness of winter are at their start, we celebrate the triumph of light over darkness, faith over doubt, hope over despair, life over death, as the sun begins its slow ascent. Winter does not have the final word in God’s design for us.

For Christians, as the sun begins its ascent, God the Son is born in Bethlehem.

And the result was “joy to the world.”

We need a little Christmas, don’t we? Murders, wars, violence, death, sickness, struggle can get us way down. We can’t give up. God sure didn’t give up on us: into all of this, on that “silent night,” His Son was born to show us the way back.

So we all become kids again, full of good cheer and warm thoughts. Those who aren’t are for once in the minority, today’s Scrooges, the “sourpusses” the Holy Father spoke of.

If we people of faith wonder why folks are leaving our churches and synagogues, we might recall that nobody likes being with a group of crabs. People want happiness, now, and in eternity. You’d think they’d find it in religion.

As the Jesuit scholar Pierre Teilhard de Chardin observed, “Joy is the infallible sign of God’s presence.”

The joy we relish now — from love, family, friendship, beauty, sharing, art, food, song, and drink — is but an antipasto of what God has in store for us for all eternity.

Pope Francis also reminds us that joy comes, not from what we have or even what we do, but from who we are: a child of God, made in His image, destined for an eternity with Him!

Listen to the Bible: “Rejoice in the Lord always! I say it again, rejoice!”

It’s time for sugarplums, not sourpusses!

As the great theologian Karl Rahner, remarked, “It’s Christmas! Light the candles! They have more right to exist than the darkness. At Christmas, God says, ‘I am there! I am with you! I am your life! Do not be afraid to be happy!’”

A blessed, joyful Christmas!

Martin Galvin’s Letter to the Irish News Editor published 12/16/13

Posted by Jim on December 17, 2013

EDITOR

IRISH NEWS

113-117 Donegal Street

Belfast, Northern Ireland

BTI 2GE                                        November 28, 2013

BELATED TRUTH ON MRF

 A chara

 Fergal Hallahan was more right than he imagines (25th November) about the derision accorded anyone with the temerity to accuse Britain of deploying a Military Reaction Force of plain-clothes British troopers who gunned down unarmed nationalists using non-military weapons.

During my years as both editor of the IRISH PEOPLE weekly American newspaper and National Director of Irish Northern Aid, I was tasked with presenting such facts to the American public and especially Congressmen.

The contention we Republicans repeatedly made was that the crown had sent out the MRF, and later wiped British fingerprints from their killings by shifting from the MRF to having the shots fired by loyalist proxies. This tactic had obvious advantages, including avoiding British Army casualties like those inflicted by the IRA at the Four Square Laundry. It allowed the British plausible deniability. Collusion in murders carried out by loyalists could be denied outright or blamed on a cadre of crown force bad apples, no matter how much targeting intelligence, agent control or safe passage the British had supplied.

Britain’s answer to these charges never changed. British officials would declare, self-righteously that “Her Majesty’s government” would never stoop to deploy such a unit. The British Army “yellow card” rules were sacrosanct, they scoffed, and this code was rigorously applied whenever British troopers opened fire. These sanctimonious British denials were believed by the public, politicians and journalists to the extent that this hand-picked death squad remained largely unknown to the public.

Panorama’s programme,”Britain’s Secret Terror Force” proves that Republicans were right about Britain’s deployment of a terror force, the MRF. It proves that those high-ranking British officials who denied that the crown would stoop to such tactics were either deliberately misled by the crown or deliberately misleading others on the crown’s behalf. Members of this British terror squad have no worries that they will face justice for killing unarmed Irish civilians like Daniel Rooney or Patrick McVeigh. They freely boast of their misdeeds, for the television cameras, confident that they enjoy a selective immunity and impunity, not granted Republicans like Gerry McGeough, Seamus Kearney or John Downey.

We Republicans were right about the MRF and just as right about Britain’s tactical shift from the MRF terror force to doing their ‘dirty war’ work through loyalist proxies. Must we await another Panorama documentary before people face the facts about Britain’s complicity with loyalist killers in collusion murders? Must we wait to see members of British forces who directed collusion murders congratulating themselves in televised interviews?

Slan,  MARTIN GALVIN

THE MURDER AND REPRESSION FORCE

Posted by Jim on November 25, 2013

 

A BBC Panorama documentary in which former plain-clothes British  soldiers admitted carrying out undercover gun attacks in nationalist  west Belfast has led to a public outcry and demands for an inquiry.    The details revealed in the broadcast have recalled traumatic and  appalling events which have always been refuted by the British  authorities.    Dozens of innocent civilians were injured or killed in attacks carried  out by the ‘Military Reaction Force’ (MRF), usually in machine-gun  blasts from an unmarked vehicle, and always the full sanction and  support of their British military bosses.    Reconstructions of events dating from 1971 onwards have hone a new light  on the actions of the secretive unit. The BBC’s John Ware interviewed  members of the MRF, who wore disguise but still spoke of their pride in  their murderous campaign.    The documentary recounted incidents when machine gun fire raked through  knots of people standing on street corners or heading home to the pub.  Others were chased through streets.    Those targeted were often standing in the vicinity of road barricades  erected by nationalist communities for their own safety 40 years ago.  All of the victims were forensically tested by the then RUC, but none  were found to have been in contact with firearms. No evidence was ever  presented that those who were shot were anything other than innocent  civilians.    It was argued in the broadcast that the unit was a prototype  counter-insurgency operation based on experiences in colonial conflicts,  and that military regulations or civil laws “did not apply”.    The unit included 40 hand-picked men from across the British Army who  always wore plain clothes.  When the men arrived at the specialised  enclosure in Palace Barracks, County Down, which still operates today,  the men dispensed with ranks, identification tags and surnames.    Some soldiers told the broadcaster they would drive by the barricades  and open fire, even if they did not see anybody brandishing a gun.    One said anyone standing in the vicinity of a barricade was potentially  an armed member of the IRA, and therefore a justifiable target. Another  said it was part of his mission to “draw out” the IRA in west Belfast.  “If they needed shooting they’d be shot,” he said.    Most admitted that they would shoot unarmed targets. One said: “We were  not there to act like an Army unit, we were there to act like a terror  group”.    MRF member Simon Cursey – not his real name – told a newspaper at the  weekend that originally they were told to shoot at anyone carrying a  weapon, but that the rules changed so that “groups manning barricades or  vigilantes patrolling late at night” were targets.    He admitted involvement in the attack in which father-of-six Patrick  McVeigh died. That attack, and another six weeks later, were both  carried out from an unmarked car using a privately-owned Thompson  submachine gun.     Key information was withheld from courts in the north of Ireland about   this unit’s activities, according to Panorama. Mr McVeigh’s daughter   Patricia said of the broadcast: “We want the truth. We don’t want to   stop until we get the truth.”    The MRF was ultimately replaced by the Force Research Unit, an equally  clandestine division of the British Army which operated in concert with  loyalist paramilitary death squads.    Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams said the programme had shed light on one  aspect of Britain’s ‘Dirty War’ in Ireland, and said victims of the MRF  would be “disturbed” by the new information.    He called on the Dublin government to press the British to establish “a  truth recovery process that can provide support and closure for  survivors”.    “Sinn Fein has proposed that there be an international, independent  truth recovery process,” he said. “Others have different ideas and that  is fair enough, but we need to take this opportunity to move the process  forward in a way that looks after the victims but also builds the future  for the survivors.”

The Brooklyn Irish

Posted by Jim on November 15, 2013

Posted on November 4, 2013 by

Although Irishtown had been known as Brooklyn’s most recognizable, infamous waterfront neighborhood for Irish immigrants in the mid 1800s, it was the city’s long waterfront property that stretched both north and south of Irishtown that was heavily settled by the Famine Irish. In truth, Irishtown could only be seen as the capital amidst the long stretch of Brooklyn waterfront neighborhoods facing the East thp-merseyRiver and Manhattan.

By the census year of 1855, the Irish already made up the largest foreign-born group in New York. This constituted a dramatic shift in the ethnic landscape of Brooklyn. In just ten years, the amount of Irish-born inhabitants had jumped from a minimal amount, to 56,753. Out of a total population in Brooklyn of 205,250, its newly arrived Irish-born inhabitants made up about 27.5%.

The impact of such a large amount of immigrants in a short period of time may be difficult to imagine, but it must be remembered that these newly-arrived were not only all from one ethnic background, but they were also terribly destitute, bony from intense starvation, malnourished, disease-ridden, uneducated and untrained people that came from an outdated medieval agrarian community. On top of all of this, at least half of them did not speak English and instead spoke Gaelic and were landing in a culture that was traditionally hostile to their form of religion: Catholicism.

digging for potato during famine

Famous sketch from the 1840s of an Irish mother digging with her children desperately to yield a crop in time to save their lives.

The Great Hunger in Ireland of 1845-1852, or what is commonly, if not erroneously called the “Potato Famine,” caused over 1.5 million (if not more) Irish tenant farmers to flee for lack of food.

“Few newcomers had the resources to go beyond New York and therefore stayed for negative reasons,” said Ronald H. Bayor and Thomas J. Meaghan in their book, The New York Irish. “Most… had no other options… The best capitalized Irish immigrants were those who did not linger in New York, but went elsewhere, making New York and other harbor cities somewhat atypical of the rest of Irish America.”

The waterfront neighborhoods of antebellum Brooklyn was such a place. These neighborhoods of mostly English Protestants and old Dutch aristocracy were quickly overwhelmed by these Catholic “invaders” crippled by diseases, starving and with a legacy of rebelliousness, secrecy, violence and faction fighting within their fiercely communal cooperations. In short, these great numbers of Brooklyn immigrants were in no way interested in assimilating into the incumbent Anglo-Protestant culture.

Since 1825 and the opening of the Erie Canal, Brooklyn had begun to boom as the New York Ports along the Hudson and East Rivers now had access to the great and rising cities in the midwest and beyond.

A color drawing from 1855 looking west toward Brooklyn's Navy Yard. Just beyond it in the area that looks shaded was "Irishtown." The New York Times described it in an 1866 editorial thusly, "Here homeless and vagabond children, ragged and dirty, wander about."

A color drawing from 1855 looking west toward Brooklyn’s Navy Yard. Just beyond it in the area that looks shaded was “Irishtown.” The New York Times described it in an 1866 editorial thusly, “Here homeless and vagabond children, ragged and dirty, wander about.”

Soon, New York become the busiest port city in the world. There was labor work to be had in Brooklyn, in the manufacturing and loading and unloading of goods to be sent around the country and around the world.

Brooklyn was broken down into wards at that time, and although much of the population lived along the waterfront, there were plenty of other neighborhoods inland that were heavily populated by the English and Dutch before the Great Hunger. But the newly arrived Irish immigrants did not go inland, they stayed along the waterfront where the labor and longshoremen jobs were.

One neighborhood in particular gained fame, though it is not as much known today as it was then:

Irishtown.

Fifth Ward

The Fifth Ward from an 1855 Fire Insurance Map, where Brooklyn’s Irishtown is located by the Navy Yard. It was called Vinegar Hill (from the 1798 rebellion in Ireland) even before the Great Hunger.

Located in the old Fifth Ward, Brooklyn’s Irishtown never gained the kind of infamous popularity that Manhattan’s Five Points garnered (as I previously wrote about in Code of Silence), it was nonetheless the center of the immigrant, working class slums and the brawling, closed-off culture of the wild Irish.

Located on one side next to Brooklyn’s Navy Yard that built ships and on the other side with the ferry companies connecting Brooklyn to Manhattan across the East River, Irishtown was centrally located.

Although Irishtown was the face of Brooklyn’s Irish community, it did not even have the distinction of having the most amount of Irish-born (which exclude American born of Irish stock) in it during the 1855 census. The dock and pier neighborhoods of Brooklyn were not just in the Fifth Ward, they were spread from the waterfront in Williamsburg north of Wallabout Bay all the way down to Red Hook and the Gowanus Canal.

During this time, there are three other wards that outnumber Irishtown in total Irish-born of the 1855 census. Cobble Hill, the Fulton Ferry Landing and southeast of the Navy Yard, north of Fort Greene Park. The brownstones of Brooklyn Heights are still considered mansions for the rich Brooklyn landowners at this time, but later will be divided and subdivided for the working class Irish.

The densest area of Irish-born is obviously from the Navy Yard, both  inland and on the water to the Fulton Ferry Landing, but surprising numbers existed in the north along the Williamsburg waterfront and south in Cobble Hill, Red Hook and the Gowanus Canal. In fact, 47.7% of the total population of Red Hook in 1855 is Irish-born.

  • *Census for the State of New York for 1855 (Ward#, area, Irish-born residents)
  • Ward 1 (Brooklyn Heights 2,227)
  • Ward 2 (now known as DUMBO 2,967) 
  • Ward 3 (East of Brooklyn Heights 1,964) 
  • Ward 4 (south of DUMBO 2,440) 
  • Ward 5 (Irishtown 5,629) 
  • Ward 6 (Fulton Ferry Landing 6,463) 
  • Ward 7 (Southeast of Navy Yard, north of Fort Greene Park 6,471) 
  • Ward 8 (Gowanus 1,717) 
  • Ward 10 (East of Cobble Hill 6,690) 
  • Ward 11 (West of Ft. Greene Park, south of Irishtown 4,985) 
  • Ward 12 (Red Hook 3,332) 
  • Ward 13 (East of Navy Yard where current Williamsburg Bridge is 2,036) 
  • Ward 14 (North of Williamsburg Bridge along waterfront 4,314) 
  • In these wards, Irish-born constituted 32% of Brooklyn’s total population

In fact it is Brooklyn’s most famous Irish-American toughs, the White Hand Gang that originated not in Irishtown, but in and around Warren Street in Cobble Hill and Red Hook at the beginning of the 20th Century.

So, it is right to assume that masses of Famine Irish landed and settled around the more famous neighborhood of Brooklyn’s Irishtown, but it is the general waterfront area from Williamsburg down to Gowanus, in the pier neighborhoods of the fastest growing port and industrial areas of the city where the majority of them settled. In fact, of the 56,753 Irish-born in Brooklyn in 1855, about 51,000 of them lived in the waterfront neighborhoods.

0002989

Long before Ellis Island took in immigrants, Southern Manhattan’s Battery Park did. After disembarking there, many Irish immigrants took the ferry to Brooklyn or moved from the slums of Manhattan to the Brooklyn waterfront for the jobs on the docks and piers there.

And they just kept coming, well after the famine ended. With connections in Brooklyn, Irish-born brought their extended families and friends to New York over the coming years, funding new passages to the city helping keep the Brooklyn working class Irish poor for many years to come.

By 1860, Brooklyn was the largest city in America with 279,122 residents, a large portion of which were either Irish-born or of Irish stock as it is still some years ahead of the considerable amounts of Jewish and Italian immigration to Brooklyn later in the century.

By the census of 1875, the population of Irish-born in Brooklyn jumps to 83,069. In 1880, the U.S. census, which counted both place of birth and parents’ birth place as well, estimated that one-third of all New Yorkers were of Irish parentage. By 1890 as Brooklyn neighborhoods were expanding east and south, the amount of people with Irish stock is at 196,372.