Posted by Jim on December 11, 2012
STATEMENT BY ED MOLONEY ON THE DE SILVA REPORT – Dec 12th 2012
In his report on the murder of Pat Finucane, Sir Desmond de Silva has this to say in relation to the RUC’s role in encouraging the UDA to target the solicitor (Par 73):
“The critical issue, in my view, was to determine whether RUC officers had been involved in inciting loyalists in custody to attack Patrick Finucane. Allegations that RUC officers had incited loyalists in this manner were first expressed privately by the Ambassador of the Government of Ireland to the Cabinet Secretary on 13 February 1989, the day after Patrick Finucane’s murder.”
In December 1998 I was the Northern Editor of the Sunday Tribune newspaper. During that month I had lunch with the late Tommy Lyttle, then the West Belfast Commander of the UDA. During the lunch he told me that RUC detectives at Castlereagh interrogation centre had recently suggested to one of his colleagues during an interrogation session that the UDA ought to consider killing three “IRA lawyers”, Pat Finucane, Oliver Kelly and P J McGrory. Tommy Lyttle’s words were that the RUC man had said that the UDA was wasting its time killing Catholics when there were real targets like these lawyers available.
Since Tommy Lyttle is now dead, as are the three lawyers at the centre of the story, I feel I am free to talk openly about this incident.
As a journalist covering a beat like the violence in Northern Ireland it was inevitable that from time to time I would come across evidence that suggested someone’s life could be in danger. While protecting source confidentiality has always been the highest priority to me I never hesitated in such circumstances to pass on a warning in such a way that the source is not revealed and the threatened person is able to take the proper precautions.
At the same time one had to be careful about how this was done. Motives can be be misinterpreted, actions misunderstood and the consequences could be dangerous both for yourself and your source. But there was no doubt in my mind that the three solicitors had to be warned. When a paramilitary figure as senior as Tommy Lyttle mentions such a possibility it had to be taken seriously.
Of the three lawyers, I was closest to Paddy McGrory who I regarded as a friend as much as a very valuable legal contact. I decided to tell him of the threat knowing that he would pass it on to the other two in a suitably discrete fashion. Shortly after my lunch with Tommy Lyttle, I went to his home and told him that the RUC was encouraging UDA gunmen to kill the three solicitors and that in my view he should take the warning very seriously indeed.
Paddy later told me that he had contacted the office of the then Taoiseach, Charles Haughey to tell him of the threat and that the Irish government in turn contacted the Northern Ireland Office to insist that security be stepped up at his home. This was done apparently under some protest from the NIO. What precautions, if any, were taken in regard to Oliver Kelly and Pat Finucane I do not know. Mr Haughey’s involvement in the affair and the NIO’s role in upping security precautions at Paddy McGrory’s home are checkable facts.
The Irish government was therefore aware of the UDA threat to Pat Finucane as well as the other lawyers some two months before the UDA struck and because of Mr Haughey’s intervention the British government was also aware of the threat long before Pat Finucane was killed. Sir Desmond de SIlva is therefore mistaken, or was misinformed. The British government was made aware by the Irish government of the UDA’s threat to lawyers long before February 12th, 1989.
Posted by Jim on
The Catholic population in North of Ireland is now just three percentage points behind the number of Protestants in the province.
New census figures show that the gap between the proportion of Protestants and Catholics has narrowed.
The percentage of Catholics is up to 45 per cent while Protestant representation has fallen to 48 per cent from the 2001 census.
Experts say the dwindling gap between the two groups will lead to major political change in the near future.
When first created the Northern state had a 66 per cent to 33 per cent Protestant population over Catholic and Sir James Craig called it a “Protestant state for a Protestant people.”
The new figures are detailed in the 2011 census, published on Tuesday by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency.
The new census shows that almost half the population, 48 per cent, designated themselves as British when asked to select one or more of a number of identities, including Northern Irish or Irish.
The report also states that a total of 29 per cent of the overall population included Northern Irish as an identity while 28 per cent included Irish.
The 2011 census was the first time a question on national identity was asked in North of Ireland.
The results show that 40 per cent said they were British only with the remaining 8 per cent opting for British along with another one of the identities, such as British and Irish or British and Northern Irish.
A quarter of the population defined themselves as Irish only while 21 per cent said they were Northern Irish only.
Questioned about their religion in 2001 in the last census 53 per cent of the population replied Protestant with 44 per cent Catholic.
The Irish Times reports that statistics from the North’s Department of Education for 2010/11 showed 120,415 Protestants and 163,693 Catholics in schools, equating to 57.6 per cent Catholic and 42.4 per cent Protestant pupils.
An additional 37,609 classify themselves as ‘other Christian’ (8,282), ‘non-Christian’ (1,726) and the 27,601 who fall into the ‘other/no religion/religion not recorded’ category.
The paper states that figures for 2009/10 show that in Queen’s University, Belfast, there were 8,710 North of Ireland-domiciled students of a Catholic background compared with 6,740 from the Protestant tradition.
In the University of Ulster there were 11,070 Catholics and 7,020 Protestants.
In the two teacher-training colleges, Stranmillis and St Mary’s, there were 1,215 Catholics and 650 Protestants.
The North of Ireland population now stands at 1,810,900, the highest ever recorded, and brings the population of the island of Ireland to just under 6.4 million which is the highest population in Ireland since the first post-Famine census of 1851.
The population on the island of Ireland has increased by more than 1.25 million in the past 21 years and by well over two million in the past 51 years.
Read more: http://www.irishcentral.com/news/Gap-between-Catholics-and-Protestants-in-Northern-Ireland-down-to-just-three-per-cent-182959921.html#ixzz2EntZyjUB
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Posted by Jim on December 10, 2012
Trouble has broken out again in Belfast this evening after more than a thousand loyalists, including a number of masked paramilitaries, marched to the city centre to demand the Union Jack flag be reinstated year-round atop Belfast City Hall.
The march followed days of violence directed against the offices and homes of the Alliance Party and its councillors. The party’s votes on Belfast city council were crucial in reducing the flying of the British Union flag at City Hall from 365 days a year to 15 royal events and other designated days.
The change of policy has inflamed the larger unionist parties and right-wing elements in Britain. Today’s march had clear fascist overtones, and culminated with crowds cheering the burning of Irish tricolour flags by masked individuals.
It was supported by the unionist parties, the right-wing UKIP and the extreme-right BNP parties, and forced shops and the city’s Christmas market to close.
Rioting broke out later as marchers returning to east Belfast burned out a car on the Newtownards Road and threw stones at the PSNI police near the nationalist Short Strand.
Last night, there were also serious clashes in the Shaftesbury Square, Crumlin Road and Ligoniel Road areas of Belfast, as well as disturbances in Newtownabbey, Bangor, and Lisburn. Water cannon were deployed to douse burning cars.
Also last night, the loyalist paramilitary UVF were widely blamed for disrupting a large Christmas event in Newtownabbey, north of Belfast, after a number of vehicles were set on fire close to Mossley Mill.
Six hundred people, including many children, were trapped inside Newtonabbey council buildings as loyalists burnt cars and rioted.
The DUP has been widely blamed for motivating the violent protests.
Today, the party refused to condemn the burning of the Irish flag at the protest in Belfast city centre.
The PSNI has said it accepts that loyalist paramilitary groups have been involed in orchestrating the disorder in Belfast and in the nearby towns.
Sinn Fein Assembly member Gerry Kelly has stated that “political unionism”, meaning the DUP and the Ulster Unionist Party, “must exert itself, show leadership and work to end this situation”.
“Political unionism has failed,” he said. “It has sent muted words and mixed messages which has seen loyalism come on to the streets and a continuation of road blocks, riots and intimidation for nearly a week now.
“Within the space of this week we have seen attacks on Belfast City Hall and Alliance party members homes and offices, death threats against elected representatives and many protests turning violent.”
The north Belfast representative said there was “nothing new” in the current scenario.
“We have seen the orchestration between political unionism and violent loyalism many times before when they did not get their way,” he said.
“We saw it in 1969, The Ulster Workers Council strike, the Anglo Irish Agreement and Drumcree to name a few occasions.
“But times have changed. Belfast is a shared city. It needs to represent all sections of the community that live in it and not have one identity stamped over all others. Unionism needs to accept the need for, and the reality of, equality.”
He said that mixed messages from unionists, such as demands for increased British flag flying at Stormont, was not showing leadership and would not de-escalate the situation.
“We need to see much more from unionist political leaders at all levels of representation across the north.
“They must exert themselves by standing firmly against the ongoing situation and taking real and meaningful steps to end the violence and intimidation on our streets.”
Posted by admin on October 22, 2012
The Democratic Unionist Party is outraged with the recent motion calling for the immediate release of Gerry McGeough, Martin Corey and Marian Price. In particular, they have taken issue with the inclusion of Gerry McGeough in the motion brought before Dungannon and South Tyrone Borough Council by Sinn Féin and supported by the SDLP. They have also been very critical towards the stance taken by the SDLP in supporting the motion and the fact that Mr Brush, a former UDR soldier was present at the council meeting when the motion was tabled. The DUP leader Peter Robinson and his party colleagues Maurice Morrow and Arlene Foster now intend to table a motion in Stormont on November 5th in support of Mr Brush.
Their sympathies may lie with this former UDR soldier. However, it is important to point out that, as stated by Fianna Fáil TD Éamon Ó Cuiv “this is a lot bigger than Gerry because this in my view is a major step back for a peace process that Gerry bought into and that we all bought into and where we were putting the past behind us and building a better future for the young children”.
Following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in1998, both Republican and Loyalist prisoners were released under the early release scheme. For many, it was a hard pill to swallow, but it was also a major factor in allowing the peace process to move forward. The Weston Park Accord was then negotiated and signed in 2001 by both the Irish and British Governments. Paragraph 20 of the Weston Park Accord dealt with a relatively small number of OTR’s (On the Runs) and ensured equality of treatment for those who were not in prison when the Good Friday Agreement was signed and would therefore not benefit from the early release scheme. It was also an effective approach to dealing with what has been termed ‘anomalies’ which might arise from time to time as each case was dealt with.
Although both governments agreed to implement paragraph 20 before the end of 2001, the British Government did not proceed with the matter until the issue of decommissioning had been resolved. When the legislation required to implement paragraph 20 was expected to be passed through Westminster in 2005, the British Government then attempted to include British State Forces in the legislation. This was unacceptable to Sinn Féin and the SDLP. Peter Hain, the British Secretary of State at that time, withdrew the legislation in 2006 at the request of Gerry Adams. The matter was then left in abeyance.
Gerry McGeough’s arrest and incarceration, at the behest of the DUP are a direct result of paragraph 20 not being implemented by the British Government. The fact that the British Government can so easily and so willingly violate an international agreement is a very serious matter and one which the DUP including Mr Brush have ignored completely.
The DUP is entitled to their opinions on the imprisonment of Gerry McGeough. However, if Peter Robinson, Maurice Morrow and Arlene Foster are genuine about justice being served on an equal basis, why have they never called for investigations into the murders of eighty-three innocent and unarmed civilians perpetrated by British soldiers, RUC, UDR and loyalist death squads in collusion with British Forces between 1970 and 1997 in County Tyrone?
What did Mr Brush do as a UDR soldier? Maybe we should call for people in Tyrone who came across Mr Brush manning a UDR checkpoint if they would like to bring forward any complaints they might have against him. Snow White comes to mind?
Gerry McGeough was charged and convicted in a Diplock court of having allegedly shot and wounded Mr Brush in 1981. That same year on July 9th 1981, Nora McCabe was murdered after being hit by a plastic bullet fired by the RUC. When Nora’s family applied for charges to be brought against the RUC officers involved in her murder and who then committed perjury in the follow-up investigation, Crown Judge Coghlin denied the application stating that too much time had passed and any charges preferred after so many years would be an abuse of process and dismissed. However, when Gerry McGeough’s case was brought before Crown Judge Coghlin, he began by first excluding from court representatives from the British-Irish Rights Watch and the Committee for the Administration of Justice and then proceeded to apply a different set of rules to the case of Gerry McGeough.
Have the DUP ever questioned this decision or called for those RUC officers to be prosecuted? The DUP should consider raising a motion on these issues and then lead the call for justice and equality by insisting that members of the UDR, RUC and British Army are immediately investigated and prosecuted and when found guilty of ‘historic’ offences perpetrated prior to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, they should serve their sentences with the possibility of applying for early release after two years under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
Of course, the circumstances surrounding Gerry’s arrest in 2007 followed by three and a half years of continuous delays in allowing the actual trial to proceed raises many questions as to the motives for his incarceration and the credibility of the evidence produced, which of course included reading a chapter from a novel. Would any of the evidence produced and used against Gerry have been accepted if he had not been tried in a Diplock Court?
Gerry McGeough has already suffered two heart attacks and has six stents inserted. There have been a number of incidents within Maghaberry prison surrounding the administration of Gerry’s daily heart medicine, vital to his survival. These incidents can be verified. The most recent incident occurred on Monday 1st October 2012 and was not resolved until the afternoon of Tuesday 2nd October 2012. When these incidents occur, those involved in the process of having the situation resolved are well aware of the stress caused not only to Gerry and his family but to all those prisoners and their families who are regularly affected by incidents of medical neglect. Mr Brush and his DUP colleagues have never once shown any concern towards the medical neglect or treatment of Republican prisoners within Maghaberry or acknowledged in any way how stressful these incidents can be. Mr Morrow, a DUP colleague of Mr Brush on Dungannon and South Tyrone Borough Council has repeatedly attempted to discredit anyone who raises concerns over medical care, the living conditions or the overall treatment of Republican prisoners in Maghaberry. He has questioned the reliability of statements by prisoners who are either on dirty protest in Maghaberry or in the case of Gerry McGeough who is not on protest, but who finds himself in the middle of a dirty protest. Mr Morrow has never asked for prison video footage to be broadcast across the world. The DUP have never attempted to resolve the situation within Maghaberry and they have never raised concerns as to why, after the 2010 agreement, the dirty protest continues.
Gerry McGeough may be released after serving two years under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. However, when the British Government can so freely violate international agreements with impunity, can we really be sure that they will adhere to the terms agreed in 1998? If Gerry is not released after serving two years, will this further violation of an international agreement be raised by the DUP?
When politicians and public representatives throughout Ireland, America and Spain who would not normally be associated with Irish Republicanism begin to question and raise concerns about what is happening within the peace process or question the motives surrounding the imprisonment of Gerry McGeough and the abuse of human rights against many others, surely there must be something seriously wrong with the situation we find ourselves in. In their outrage at the council motion being passed, the DUP focus on the inclusion of Gerry McGeough in the motion and on the health of Mr Brush in dealing with a stressful situation. Have they raised any concerns about the health of Marian Price? Have they raised concerns as to how Martin Corey can remain imprisoned without trial since 2010? Did they raise concerns about the stressful situation Martin Corey and his family found themselves in when former British Secretary of State Owen Paterson decided on 9th July 2012 that Martin was not to be released as he was about to walk free? Martin’s appeal against this decision was due to have been heard in September. It has not yet been heard. Why? The DUP chose to avoid too much reference to the cases of Martin and Marian.
In their efforts to dismantle the Good Friday Agreement the DUP have consistently refused to dedicate themselves to reconciliation, tolerance, mutual trust and the protection of human rights for all. They will pose for the cameras and travel the world seeking investment. They will promote themselves as honest law-abiding decent citizens. But behind the fabricated tales of goodwill and the veil of deception and political myths is the reality of Unionist bigotry, sectarianism and vindictiveness as experienced, not only by Gerry McGeough and his family, but by many others, fourteen years after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement.
The DUP have little to offer the peace process. They built their party upon the rants of Ian Paisley and they can only ever thrive within an environment of bigotry and sectarianism.
Damian Herron
Northern Chair Free Gerry McGeough Campaign
Posted by admin on October 20, 2012
A decision by the Police Ombudsman to investigate allegations of collusion between the PSNI and the unionist paramilitary UVF has been welcomed.
The ombudsman is to examine allegations that police colluded with the UVF by failing to properly investigate fatal shootings in north and west Belfast between 1989 and 2010 — including that of Bobby Moffett, who was murdered on Shankill Road after a dispute with a senior UVF man. It is widely believed that the PSNI had approved the cold-blooded murder, which took place in a casual manner on a busy street in May 2010.
A number of families of UVF victims have welcomed the Ombudsman’s intervention and it is their testimonies which have led to this move.
It is believed investigators will examine claims that no-one has been charged or convicted in connection with the murders because police agents and informers were being protected.
The investigation bears strong similarities with another Ombudsman inquiry.
Operation Ballast, which homed in on north Belfast’s Mount Vernon estate, revealed UVF killers were protected from prosecution because they were police agents.
Raymond McCord, whose son was murdered by the UVF, has welcomed it.
“What people have to understand is that when people from the unionist community or any community go to the Police Ombudsman’s office and make a complaint it has to be investigated,” he said.
“This isn’t having a go at any paramilitary group and I’m delighted because hopefully now it’ll show that there wasn’t a proper investigation in a lot of the murders.”
INQUEST OPPOSED
Meanwhile, the PSNI have said they are ‘unable’ to extradite a man suspected of killing Derry republican Kieran Doherty in 2010 — but do not want an inquest to go ahead.
A PSNI inspector said a suspect had left the jurisdiction some time ago, but that extradition “would not be relevant”. He said was concerned that “matters would be revealed” in the coroner’s inquest which could be “detrimental to the investigation”.
Senior coroner John Leckey said during decades of conflict in the North, coroners routinely held inquests quite soon after a death and he could not remember police objecting.
The Doherty family remain suspicious of the involvement of MI5 (British military intelligence) in Kieran’s death, despite a report by senior British barrister Alex Carlile which denies this.
Family lawyer Fiona Doherty said: “There is a serious allegation, a serious issue in this inquest about the approaches made to the deceased, Mr Doherty, by MI5 for a continuous period of time up to his death and the family have serious concerns about that and serious concerns about the possible involvement of state agents in the death.”
The family want the full contents of the Carlile report to be available to the coroner. Kieran Doherty’s uncle, Vincent Coyle, said they were only given two paragraphs of the report.
“Now we know there is a lot more in that report which we have not seen. In fact we think there’s a report the size of a phone directory and that must be made available to the inquest,” he said.
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