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Fifty-Five British Soldiers Are Refusing to Help Northern Ireland’s Bloody Sunday Murder Investigation

Posted by Jim on October 13, 2015

Bloody Sunday PSNI Murder Investigation Report – Ciarán Shiels of Madden & Finucane speaks to investigative journalist Lara Whyte.

A man walks past a Bloody Sunday mural in the Bogside, Derry

Relatives of those killed in Northern Ireland’s infamous Bloody Sunday massacre have denounced the police investigation into the murders after being told that 55 soldiers present that day are refusing to be questioned.

Kate Nash, whose 19-year-old brother William was among 13 people shot dead when British Army paratroopers fired at civil rights protesters on January 30, 1972, claimed the UK government and Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) were engaged in another cover-up. Soldiers were told to fire upon unarmed demonstrators, she believes, rather than the shooting being the result of troops disobeying orders as a previous major inquiry claimed.

The massacre took place during a demonstration in the city of Derry in the early years of the so-called “Troubles,” a 30-year violent conflict centered on the status of Northern Ireland. Between 10,000 and 20,000 people had gathered to protest against a policy known as internment, where people suspected of being a member of a terrorist group such as the Irish Republican Army — Catholic insurgents who wanted Northern Ireland to break away from British rule — were being rounded up and detained without trial.

The overwhelming majority of those arrested were Catholic — 1,874 out of the 1,981 detained in total between 1971 and 1975 — and the march, organized by a group called the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association attracted mainly (but not exclusively) Catholic men, women and children.

After the march was prevented from entering the city center by the British Army, it moved to “Free Derry Corner” in the Bogside, a Catholic area of the city that still prides itself in being separate from British state. Soldiers from the British Army’s elite Parachute Regime moved into the Bogside after bricks where apparently thrown at one of the barricades erected by the army.

Within 30 minutes they had shot 13 men dead and injured more than a dozen. A fourteenth victim later died of his injuries.

After the massacre, the army claimed they had been attacked first and accused the protesters of being terrorists and members of the IRA — but this has always been rejected as false by those there and was later officially discredited.

A 12-year public inquiry into the killings led by the British judge Lord Mark Saville ultimately concluded in 2010 that none of those killed were posing a threat, that the paratroopers fired the first shots, that they had fired on fleeing unarmed civilians, and shot dead a man who was already wounded.

No action was taken in response to the Saville inquiry by the PSNI or judicial authorities for two years, a source of much anger for relatives. In July 2012 a murder investigation was finally launched following public pressure.

Ciaran Shiels from Madden and Finucane solicitors, a lawyer representing the families, told VICE News that the current investigation has been an uphill battle from the beginning.

“It is important to bear in mind that after the Saville inquiry reported in 2010, it wasn’t a matter that the PSNI of its own volition took to investigate — even though Saville had said that these people had been shot without justification,” he said. “We had to write both to the Chief Constable and the Public Prosecution Service saying there is prima facie evidence here of attempted murder on a grand scale and what are the PSNI going to do about it?”

Progress has been painfully slow — no arrests have been made, and families were told that the military suspects — i.e. the members of the army identified in the Saville report as having fired the fatal shots — have yet to be interviewed. In the latest update given to the families, the PSNI’s senior investigative officer Detective Chief Inspector (DCI) Ian Harrison said 34 military witnesses and 310 civilian witness statements had been recorded.

In a statement to VICE News, a PSNI spokeswoman confirmed that 55 military witnesses and 239 civilian witnesses have “declined to engage with the team.” She stressed that the 55 soldiers were not suspects.

“Those military witnesses who have refused to engage are regarded as being potential witnesses to events,” said the statement. “Please note, they have refused to engage in terms of recording witness statements, not interviews. It should be noted that these soldiers are witnesses, not suspects, and are therefore not obliged to speak with us.

“The seven military witnesses to be interviewed over the coming months fired shots. That is the focus of the investigation at this stage and these interviews will take place over the coming months.”

For Kate Nash and the other families of the dead, it has felt like another bitter blow in their long campaign for justice. She criticized the PSNI, saying the glacial pace of the police investigations was “soul-destroyingly frustrating.”

“The police told us that they couldn’t compel them to come forward, but that is absolute nonsense — because these 55 witnesses to massacre should be fully aware there is another crime called withholding evidence, and we know that very well. They could do the right thing now, but they don’t. In some of the cases, they have the bullet, they have the gun that leads to the solder and the police agreed this is solid evidence, so why haven’t they arrested him?”

Shiels, the solicitor, said it didn’t appear to have occurred to the police that they could and should compel the army members to co-operate, and that they could be charged and jailed for failing to do so.

“In respect of murder, when one withholds information, it can be punishable by up to ten years imprisonment,” he said. “It is an arrestable offence, and the position of the families would be that soldiers who are suspected of withholding relevant information should be warned that they are themselves at risk of arrest and prosecution. So it came as an issue of very serious and immediate concern to the families that there seemed to be an attitude of the PSNI that is someone doesn’t want to co-operate with us there is nothing we can do about it. ”

He also said stressed that a great number of civilian witnesses that day would have been fleeing for their lives or hiding from the barrage of bullets the soldiers were firing, while those soldiers not firing at the crowd would have had a privileged and safe view.

The PSNI would not be drawn on whether the interviews the army members gave could be used as evidence, or what effect the lack of co-operation would have on their investigation — only confirming they were beginning to interview those soldiers identified as firing the shots under caution.

Nash believes that the findings of the Saville inquiry, as scathing as they were, did not reveal the full truth of the events of the day, and there are political reasons why the police are not investigating the murders fully. The government, she says, is afraid of what the soldiers might say if they were in court.

“It is a terrible blow to us all. They could arrest soldiers right now and the fact is they are not. The government doesn’t want to take soldiers to court, and I’ll tell you why — because it went further than those soldiers,” she said. “[Saville] concluded that one officer and nine soldiers were responsible for what happened — [the report] said the officer had disobeyed orders but the same officer was actually given an OBE at the end of 1972 and those soldiers were all given medals of honor. If they were given medals then obviously they had done good work. They were ordered in there, we know that.”

The events and the smears against the unarmed victims that came after were catastrophic for the people of Northern Ireland, but for the families of those who died, the tragedy remains personal above all else.

“When William was shot, my father ran out under a hail of bullets try and help him, and he was shot and injured in his arm and in his side,” Nash told VICE News. “William’s body was dragged out of his arms by the army and he was taken into the back of a [military] van. My father never really got over the way they dragged his body away from him like that.”

Her mother had been in hospital and did not attend the march, and was only well enough to be told about the death on the day of William’s funeral.

“She was well sedated when my father and the local priest told her, and she didn’t react — there was just silence. It was when she got home a few days later she walked through the front door, she just started screaming his name, and that screaming lasted for a long time. A very long time.”

Nine bailed as prison abuses continue

Posted by Jim on October 12, 2015

There has been a positive development in the campaign against internment
by remand in the North, with nine republican prisoners arrested in a
high-profile raid in Newry last year, including one until recently on
hunger strike, all receiving bail.

Continuity Sinn Fein this week acknowledged the release on bail of those
arrested in Newry. They include Liam Hannaway, a cousin of Gerry Adams,
who spent four weeks on a hunger strike over the treatment of republican
prisoners in the North.

They said they are now focusing their complete attention on the
returning of elderly prisoner Sean O’Neill to his home city of Limerick.

Mr O’Neill is currently on bail in Ulster Hospital outside Belfast,
where he is suffering from terminal cancer. Part of his bail conditions
is that he must remain in the Six Counties and not cross the border.

CSF described him as a “political hostage”. “As a terminally ill
patient, Sean O’Neill poses no flight risk whatsoever,” they said.

“We view this treatment of a 76 year old terminally ill man who is
slowly dying of cancer as totally inhumane on the part of the British
establishment in occupied Ireland.

“We hereby demand that Sean is allowed return home to his native
Limerick City where he can live out his final days with dignity and
respect while surrounded by his family and loved ones.”

Broader campaigns on behalf of prisoners subjected to injustice and
abuse are also continuing.

DENIED REPRESENTATION

This week, a female remand prisoner was effectively denied legal
representation as she struggles to defend herself.

Christine Connor was arrested by the PSNI after a pipe bomb was thrown
at one of their patrol cars in May 2013. She has now spent two and a
half years at Hydebank prison as a victim of internment by remand.

Prisoner welfare group Cogus said it recently been made aware of a
serious breach in her human rights when a court hearing took place to
discuss ‘secret evidence’ against her, from which her defence team was
excluded on the grounds of national security”.’

A human rights requirement to appoint a security-cleared special advisor
on her behalf was then ignored by both the court and her own legal team,
so no-one was present to monitor what occurred or the validity of the
evidence presented.

Ms Connor’s effort to secure new legal representation was rebuffed by
the judge, who declared her legal efforts to be a waste of public money.
She is now being forced to represent herself.

Cogus said it wanted to highlight the miscarriage of justice “as it has
fallen on deaf ears when presented to the media”.

“The British justice system has again went to new lengths in their
attempt to crush political dissent,” they said.

ARBITRARY STRIP SEARCHES

Meanwhile, at the main high-security jail in the North, the Irish
Republican Prisoners Welfare Association said prisoners continue to be
brutalised in pursuance of a British criminalisation policy.

The actions of the authorities at Maghaberry was “a failed policy of the
past doomed to fail yet again”, they said.

They pointed to the plight of Nathan Hastings and another prisoner, soon
to be released, who have been singled out in recent weeks for
humiliating forced strip searches and arbitrary punishments.

“These actions are designed to provoke actions and fuel conflict which
are then followed by allegations of threatening behaviour against staff
to retrospectively justify and give cover to malign and bigoted jail
staff,” they said.

“All attempts to quell republican resistance within the prisons will
flounder on the walls of those same prisons just as they did on the
walls of Long Kesh, Crumlin Road and Armagh gaols.”

Stormont House Agreement: ‘Legislation does not represent independence’-says Barrister

Posted by Jim on

• Victims relatives have been scathing of the draft legislation
• Barrister Padraigin Drinan says the legislation does not represent independent investgation
• The issues have also been raised in Dail Eireann

Eamon Sweeney. Derry Journal. Friday, October 9, 2015

“In general, the Irish government haven’t sufficiently interested themselves in Northern Ireland, and there can be an unfortunate tendency for some amongst them to treat Northern Irish issues as political footballs to be kicked around when it suits them. “Clare Daly,  TD  (Dublin North constituency).
Reaction from people involved in the campaign for justice from relatives of ‘Troubles’ victims has been strong since the ‘Journal’ exclusively published the legislation on dealing with the legacy of the past on www.derryjournal.com on Tuesday.

The legislation is due to be presented at Westminster on October 12.

Previously a Freedom of Information request seeking to view the details of the proposed bill was refused on the grounds that releasing such information was “likely to prejudice development and subsequent implementation and could allowed targeted lobbying by certain groups that could inhibit objective decisions being made.”

However, the ‘Journal’ obtained a copy of the legislation which the political parties involved in negotiations at Stormont received on September 29. And, at Westminster recently Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers had revealed that all five political parties involved in the negotiations had given their support to the proposals for dealing with the legacy of the ‘Troubles’.

Whilst Theresa Villiers denies that the legislation does  represent an amnesty the fears of victim’s relatives that this was the case were confirmed when it became clear that perpetrators of killings would be able to confess their crimes to the newly established Historical Inquiries Unit (HIU) and then walk away without fear of prosecution. Relatives of those killed will also not be told if any disclosure has been made in relation to the deaths of their loved ones.

The legislation does allow scope for prosecutions if new evidence comes to light, the manner in which disclosed information will be evaluated makes it unlikely that a a wide range of prosecutions will ever take place. The HIU is set to replace the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) and unlike the HET will have full policing powers and access to state documents.

Yet, relatives have highlighted that their  fear the HIU will not contain the promised level of investigative independence hoped for.

The new director of the HIU will be appointed by Peter Robinson and Martin McGuinness, and they will also have the power to sack the director as well. And, members of the British Army and police-both former RUC, PSNI as well as serving members of those organisations will be eligible to take up posts as ‘independent investigators’.

The establishment of the HIU is set to cost £150 million and its remit is set to last five years.

The Secretary of State will have the ultimate say however with the ability to shut the entire operation down. And cross-border evidence from the Gardai in relation to ‘Troubles’ related murders will not be admissable in Northern Ireland as the legislation contends it may be detrimental to international relations between Britain and the Republic of Ireland.

Barrister Padraigin Drinan, who has been to the forefront of many campaigns for victim’s relatives including some of the Bloody Sunday families is in no doubt that the legislation lies far from the impartiality of investigation that was heralded.

She told the ‘Journal’: “The bit that causes me most concern is the apparent ability of former members of the RUC and PSNI not to be investigated, because if the new HIU had the same powers as the Police Ombudsman where they couldn’t be investigated, they still cannot be investigated, but those same people can be appointed to the HIU. So, basically the RUC and PSNI can walk clear.

“The difference is that the HET did not have the powers of arrest. If they found something wrong they had to get a police officer to come and investigate, but now the HIU will have the powers of arrest. The HET were investigating British Army cases and civilian cases but the Police Ombudsman was investigating police cases. So, the police appear to be still as well off as before, but the Police Ombudsman will have no further powers.”

On the point that the First and Deputy First Minister’s have the power to hire and fire the director of the HIU, Padraigin Drinan said: “They can dismiss the director if they are not satisfied with something they are doing. The legislation says they must have the grounds to do this, but the fact they have the power of dismissal doesn’t appear to me to be independent.

“The officers of the RUC and PSNI who were involved in ‘Troubles’ related cases are walking clear, that is the main thing. What about cases involving collusion? If the officers concerned are not currently serving there’s nothing the Police Ombudsman can do about it,” said.

Padraigin Drinan also contends that the framing of the legislation was deliberately construed in this manner to further elongate any ‘Troubles’ related inquiries.

She told the ‘Journal’: “This is only Strand One of the legislation. Strand One is necessary because the European Court have told the British Government that they must conduct independent investigations, but this will not comply with the European conventions on independence and by the time it is realised that it does not comply, many more relatives will probably have died.

“All the participants in the war can basically forgive each other and walk away and destroy the documents.”

Manus Deery was 15-years-old when his life was taken by a British Soldier in May, 1972.

Over 40 years later his sister Helen is still battling to get an inquest into the murder in Derry’s Bogside.

Northern Ireland currently finds itself in the peculiar position where it has a lack ofcoroner’s. Advertisements requesting applicants for people suitable to the role have been sent out, but to date there have been no appointments made.

In the coming months the North’s Lord Chief Justice,Sir Declan Morgan, will assume the Presidency of the Coroner’s Court and can make appointments. However, the lack of progress has eroded any remaining confidence of Helen Deery had in the system.

Speaking to the ‘Journal’ about the legislation on investigating the past she said: “I am disgusted by it. Just disgusted.

“I think the whole coronial process will disappear as well. I do not believe there will be another coroner appointed here.

“It took 43 years to get a courthouse booked in order to have an inquest. It was due to be from April 13-22 this year and all the witnesses in Manus’ case were summonsed. Then the week before it was due the judge said he wanted to conduct it as a non-jury inquest and I refused it because I wanted the same entitlements as everyone else.”

Barrister Padraigin Drinan said: “This a very important point. The Lord Chief Justice makes one major speech per year and this year he said how unhappy he was about how victim’s cases are proceeding. So, it shows the judiciary have concerns about all this.”

Helen Deery continued by saying: “Year in, year out you are getting kicked backwards. There is no moving on, there is no closure and may God forgive any of the politicians who have signed up to support this legislation because of the position it will leave thousands and thousands of people in.

“How can I face my brother in heaven if I do not get justice for him?”

And, Northern Ireland’s senior coroner has hit out at the “antiquated” inquest system at the end of his last case on Wednesday. John Leckey, said the law governing hearings is stuck in the 19th century and needs to be overhauled in a way similar to England and Wales in 2009.

Mr Leckey said: “We are out of the mainstream of development in coronial law and practice and I hope very much that those who have the power to do something about our antiquated law will be proactive, look at what is happening in England and Wales and concede Northern Ireland needs to follow suit.”

He investigated deaths since 1984, including Troubles cases dating back decades.

On Bloody Sunday, January 30, 1972, William Nash was shot dead by a member of the Parachute Regiment and his father Alex was severely wounded in an attempt to come to his son’s aid.

William Nash’s sisters, Kate and Linda have continued to campaign for victim’s rights and the arrest and prosecution of the soldiers involved in the Bloody Sunday killings.

Kate Nash had long held suspicions that the contents of the proposed legislation on investigating the past contained proposals that perpetrators could confess and then walk away.

Speaking to the ‘Journal’ she said: “There is no justice intended here for anybody obviously.

“I think the whole thing has been designed to get soldiers as well as IRA members to have a clear way out. Revisionism is definitely at work in all of this.

“I think it is now clear there has been a long term plan at work in this and it has probably been put in place over some years. We have been saying all along that victims will be shafted, but we will fight them to the end on this. It’s been a stalling process.

“Even with regard to the re-investigation into Bloody Sunday they could have arrested over 50 soldiers by now, but they haven’t done it. Why not?”

In the wake of the publication of the legislation dealing with the past by the ‘Derry Journal’, Derry based human rights organisation, the Pat Finucane Centre Centre (PFC) issued a statement which said: “In common with other human rights Non Governmental Organisations in Ireland and abroad, the Centre PFC welcomed many of the legacy proposals contained in the Stormont House Agreement (SHA).

“Hundreds of families who have been waiting many years for the deaths of their loved-ones to be investigated by an institution compliant with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights were heartened and encouraged by the proposals.

“They, and we, have been waiting with increased impatience for London to produce hard legislative proposals.

“The proposed legislation implementing that Agreement, however, as understood by the PFC, falls far short of what we and others believed would be the outcome of the SHA.

“The legislation, as we have seen it to date, amounts to an act of bad faith by London. It bears little resemblance to the proposals outlined in the SHA.

“We could not recommend that those families with whom we work should engage with the institutions as proposed. There are major concerns regarding the criteria for cases to be re-examined, so-called national security caveats and other concerns too numerous to outline.

“Further, the proposals are likely to cause even more serious damage to public confidence in the British government’s capacity to live up to its domestic and international commitments.

“The proposals also risk compromising public support in current policing arrangements.

“We urge London immediately to rescind the legislative proposals and engage with political parties, the Irish Government and NGOs to redraw the legislation or risk a disastrous outcome with the very families the proposals were intended to help withdrawing support.”

Clare Daly, and Independent TD for the Dublin North constituency has raised the matters concerning victim’s of the conflict in Dail Eireann. Speaking to the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Charles Flanagan she impressed upon him the need for “trust and transparency”.

Speaking to the Journal Clare Daly said: “I’m happy to note from the Minister’s response that he believes that victims should be consulted and engaged with as part of the process of legislating to fulfil the commitments of the Irish Government under the Agreement, this is something that a lot of people have been very concerned about, and I’d hope that his answer was a genuine one, and his interest in communication and consultation equally genuine.

“In general, the Irish government haven’t sufficiently interested themselves in Northern Ireland, and there can be an unfortunate tendency for some amongst them to treat Northern Irish issues as political footballs to be kicked around when it suits them.

“Trust and transparency is key, and transparency from the state most important of all – closure and dealing with the past won’t be possible without those & I think that’s the biggest stumbling block.

“In terms of dealing with the past, I think that transparency is absolutely crucial, and that means no secrecy for all sides, especially the state. The state absolutely has to acknowledge its role. I’m not in favour of individual persons being rounded up for past crimes – I think total transparency from the state, and acknowledgement and openness about what happened is the way to go.”

Sinn Fein have described the proposed legislation on dealing with the ‘Troubles’ as “inadequate” and have claimed that the draft proposals revealed by the ‘Journal’ does not reflect what was agreed within the Stormont House Agreement in December last year.

North Belfast MLA for Sinn Fein, Gerry Kelly, who is on his party’s negotiating team for the ongoing talks said: “Substantial changes are needed to get back to what was agreed, particularly around maximum disclosure for families.

“It is clear from reading this document that the focus of the British Government appears to remain on hiding the truth rather than on full disclosure.”

“Families whose loved ones were killed during the conflict are entitled to know the truth. We will continue to work in the negotiations to achieve the mechanisms agreed at Stormont House so that families achieve maximum disclosure.”

Meanwhile, Stormont Justice Minister David Ford has apparently put himself on a collision course with the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) by telling the brother of an IRA victim during a meeting that the HIU “might at best produce one or two prosecutions.”

Mr Ford has not denied making the comments to Ken Funston whose brother Ronnie was shot dead by the IRA on the Fermanagh border in 1984.

Ken Funston has slammed the now defunct HET report into his brother’s murder and added that he felt “betrayed” by Mr Ford’s view that the incoming HIU would offer virtually no hope of justice for his brother.

The minister was asked to comment on the likely scale of prosecutions that the HIU would deliver and Mr Funston said that David Ford’s response was “shocking.”

“Considering the way this legislation is being trumpted by the NIO, British Government anf by the Assembly-that we are outting into place a procedure giving a lot of victims hope that there will be a thorough investigation into the death of their loved ones. But the reality is, the whole thing is a sham.”

Edwin Poots using language of the past

Posted by Jim on

Irish News Editorial(Belfast).
Anyone watching Edwin Poots’s “stench” outburst on Wednesday night will surely wonder how on earth we can build a society based on equality and respect in the midst of such a poisonous political atmosphere.

It was perhaps not just what the former health minister said but the way in which he said it. There was so much anger and loathing on his face it may well have shocked people watching the Nolan Live programme, unused to seasoned politicians losing control in such a way.

Of course, there will be those saying that it is no surprise that a senior DUP figure feels he has to “hold his nose” when dealing with Sinn Fein, but that it quite different from hearing it on live television.

It has to be acknowledged that thousands of people have suffered as a result of decades of conflict and victims of the IRA are absolutely entitled to feel distaste at the presence in government of those who took part in the campaign of violence which cost many lives.

However, it also has to be accepted that many victims support the inclusion of former paramilitaries in the political process, understanding that it is a necessary step towards a peaceful future.

It was interesting that on the same night that Edwin Poots was engaging in the language of the past, Martin McGuinness made a speech predicting a positive outcome for the talks and praising the work of the executive in delivering measures including lower student fees, free prescriptions and lower rates bills.

Whether this speech is paving the way for a shift in Sinn Fein’s stance on welfare reform remains to be seen.

But ultimately the parties will have to find a way through this impasse and a way of working together for the benefit of all.

Eamon O’Cuiv TD FF introduces Bill to create 1916 historical quarter in Dublin

Posted by Jim on

 
 
Fianna Fáil Chairman of Coiste 1916 Commemorative Committee Éamon Ó Cuív TD has today introduced a Bill in the Dáil aimed at creating a 1916 historical quarter in the heart of Dublin City.
The 1916 Quarter Area will include the General Post Office, its surrounding streets and Moore Street as well as all other 1916 related sites.
Deputy Ó Cuív commented, “The legislation we have introduced will protect the key locations and areas which are linked to the 1916 Easter Rising.
These include all of the locations where Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army fought during Easter week.
“We are proposing to establish an urban development company tasked with creating a 1916 Quarter Area in the heart of Dublin city. Its aim will be to create a lasting memorial for the men and woman who fought in 1916.
This area will include the General Post Office and adjoining streets alongside the Moore Street area. These locations are of historical significance and must be given the prominence that they deserve.
“Our plan will bring about the redevelopment and revitalisation of a significant part of Dublin city centre. It will be modelled on the success of the Temple Bar redevelopment project and will allow for the historical and economic significance of the 1916 sites to be preserved. We are also proposing that a ‘Freedom Trail’ be established so that the sites associated with the Easter Rising are clearly identified.
“The Government has no real plan for safeguarding these important locations. The centenary of the Easter Rising will come and go, but it is important that we invest in our heritage to ensure it is preserved to allow future generations of Irish people to recognise the sacrifices made in 1916. This Bill will safeguard these places and give them the recognitionthey deserve.”