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Friday, November 13, 2026

Romancing the Truth — The Legendary ‘Molly Malone’

Posted by Jim on February 5, 2017

Who was Molly Malone? . . . That is a very good question, a question that has had many historians baffled, and continues to be debated by experts in this field for many a decade. Stranger than fiction, an inspiration to many millions of people all over the world, not only for her singing of “Cockles and Muscles” as she plied her fish wares, but for her beauty. Molly Malone and “Cockles and Muscles” cause many an Irish emigrants heart to weep, for that nostalgic magic has wooed the Irish and their descendants back to Ireland since they first began to emigrate, in this particular case, back to Dublin.

Some sources would suggest that Molly Malone [all of 17 years of age] was indeed a historical figure who trod this earth approximately 300 years ago. These same sources ascribe her a father and mother called Patrick and Coleen Malone. Other sources would suggest that she is the illegitimate child of a nobleman and a poor Irish seamstress. She lived in Howth or Dublin [in the tenements in Moore Street] depending on which sources one reads. Yet no records exist as to where she was born or indeed where she resided, only vague mentions of Howth or Dublin. This on its own means nothing, as in this era, it would be months, maybe years before the parents or guardians of a newborn child would get around to registering a birth, if at all. The impact this young woman had on those who knew her, was so great that she was known all over Dublin and it would appear, way beyond the boundaries of Dublin and the Irish shores.

She was like a ray of sunshine, growing up in the poverty and depravity-stricken streets of Dublin, where she became known.

As she pushed her wheelbarrow through the narrow streets of Dublin, her delicate figure with long auburn hair blowing in the wind, her melodious voice singing of  “cockles and muscles” and her skirts swirling around her with the grace of a queen, she plied her trade and was a sight to behold, even in the mean tenement streets of Dublin. Yet this song was published first in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1883 by the Francis brothers. [Molly, by the way, is said to have died in 1699.] The song was published by Day in London in 1884, and composed by James Yorkston in Edinburgh, with yet other versions being copied over the years, not least by our own Irish balladeers – The Dubliners, Sinéad O’Connor, The Celtic Horitzer Folk Band, and others. Some sources suggest that “Cockles and Muscles” is based on a very similar tragic mode of popular music in this era, much like, “Oh my Darling Clementine” in 1880. Sources also suggest that while Molly Malone may or may not have been a historical figure, the song was attributed to her only because it had Dublin in its name.

Other sources would suggest that she may have plied more than her wares of fish by day, however, as daylight fell over the mean streets of Dublin. Many believe she plied another ware . . . herself. This too was common in this era because of the immense poverty in those days where young women were forced to sell their beauty to strangers in order to survive.

Her beauty and her grace, some suggest, won over the heart of a young man called Timothy Pendleton, who cared not one jot for how Molly Malone made her living as he was very much in love with this Dublin colleen. Timothy made a meager living by playing a fiddle as a busker on the streets of Dublin and fell in love with Molly, meeting her every day at the same place where she plied her wares. This source suggests that one day when Molly did not turn up to meet him, he went looking for her.

Racing across all of the narrow streets of Dublin in haste, he knew that something must be amiss when Molly had not turned up to meet him.  Alas, he was too late, as he came upon a crowd of people, standing, weeping and wailing, where a body was lying prostrate on the ground. People were attending to her, tears running down their faces — there was his Molly. She had died of a fever, the song goes, infected by one of her clients with cholera. A Father Finnegan of nearby Saint Bart’s had been informed, and he, too, was present as he administered the last rites of the Catholic Church to Molly where she lay.

With howling grief and gnashing of teeth, the people of the tenements stood wrapped in each other’s arms; in grief, some attending to her body and others just wailing as they watched the lifeless body of young Molly Malone being carried indoors for the mourning process which lasted three days — among them stood Timothy Pendleton, in shock and disbelief.

The funeral was attended by many thousands of people, as they came from all over Dublin and way beyond to stand weeping, trying to get a place in the nearby church, pushing and shoving to get closer to her coffin. Public houses were closed for 16 miles around as the people mourned. For weeks after the funeral, Timothy wandered the narrow streets of Dublin, unable to play his fiddle, with a glint of madness in his eyes, haggard and unable to get the sight of Molly’s prostrate body out of his mind. He made a decision, some sources would suggest, to leave Dublin because he was unable to walk around there, knowing that Molly would not be meeting him anymore. He got a job on a merchant ship sailing to Portsmouth, England. He settled there, and became quite a businessman, never playing his fiddle again.

One night, though, the urge came over him to play the fiddle, as he sat on an old wooden barrel on the docks, all alone in the dark night feeling nostalgic and lonely for his Molly Malone. “Cockles and Muscles” just appeared to roll off the fiddle before he had even touched it, and out of his mouth came Molly’s favorite song.

Then low and behold out of the dark night came the shadow of his beautiful Molly Malone . . .  As she appeared before him, he could not believe it! He asked, “Is it you Molly, why have you come back?” She told him that she had heard him play her song, and wanted to tell him how much she loved him, kissing him on the lips, to let him know that it was her. … As he continued to play, she faded away… and the fiddle kept playing and he kept singing:

In Dublin’s fair city, where the girls are so pretty

I first set my eyes on sweet Molly Malone

As she wheeled her wheelbarrow

Through streets broad and narrow

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

She was a fish-monger, but sure ’twas no wonder

For so were her father and mother before

And they each wheeled their barrow

Through streets broad and narrow

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

She died of a fever, and no one could save her

And that was the end of sweet Molly Malone

But her ghost wheels her barrow

Through streets broad and narrow

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

Alive, alive-O! Alive, alive-O!

Crying cockles and mussels, alive, alive-O!

However, the last word on this particular article must go to Sean Murphy, a noted genealogist-historian-lecturer:

Molly Malone attracted attention in Dublin only because the song was attributed to Dublin. Before the creation of the bizarre legend that Molly Malone was a real person who lived in the seventeenth century, many people were under the impression that she was, in fact, a fishmonger in a Victorian setting, and this is indeed the Molly Malone portrayed on the cover of Walton’s 1920 or 1930s edition of [the sheet music for] ‘Cockles and Mussels,’ set in a silhouette of Nelson’s Column in the background, with a handcart. This nineteenth-century figure would have formed a better basis for a statue of a fishmonger. The Grafton Street sculpture is so false, both in its setting and form, that it might be better if it were removed to save the city further ridicule and replaced by an authentic statue of Molly in nineteenth-century dress, sited perhaps, in the Moore Street area where Molly’s present-day successors, fruit and fish-sellers, now ply their trade. But, sure, what harm is there in a few liberties with the truth, and, isn’t it nice to have an attractive fake when so much of the real heritage of Dublin has been destroyed.

A man it would appear who was not afraid to pull any punches then is this historian!

So it would appear that although all kinds of inference have been made in connection with the song “Molly Malone,” which does not bear any resemblance to the now familiar Molly Malone character that we have all come to know and love, it has not stopped  —  we Irish having claimed her and the song as our own.

Further Info

The Molly Malone statue in Grafton Street was presented to Dublin City by Jury’s Hotel Group to mark the Millennium. It was unveiled by then-Mayor of Dublin Ben Briscoe during the Millennium, with June 13th being declared as Molly Malone Day. The statue was relocated to Suffolk Street on July 18th, 2014, to make way for the Luas track-laying work to be completed.

Since the Molly Malone statue has gone on display it has been groped repeatedly — enough so that its bronze hue has begun to wear off on the bosom!!

A copy of Apollo’s Medley, dating to around 1790 that was published in Doncaster, in the U.K., was rediscovered in 2010, and this publication contains the song “Sweet Molly Malone,“ on Page 78 — the last line of the song is  “Och! I’ll roar and I’ll groan, My Sweet Molly Malone, till I’m bone of your bone, and asleep in your bed…

The song was later reprinted in a collection titled “The Shamrock, a Collection of Irish Songs [1831].” Later that year it was published in The Edinburgh literary journal and titled “Molly Malone.”

Sláinte.

Senior judge is right to voice concern over delays in legacy cases

Posted by Jim on

Irish News Editorial. Belfast. Saturday,  January 28, 2017

The Lord Chief Justice, in a speech to the Victims and Survivors Forum yesterday, made no attempt to mask his considerable dismay at the lack of progress in dealing with legacy cases in Northern Ireland.

Sir Declan Morgan’s exasperation was apparent in the tone of his remarks, saying that the past 12 months have been `a wasted year.’

He added that we are now in a `period of inaction’ that will carry through until the end of March at the very least and it is unclear when there will be an opportunity to move forward.

This was a deeply disheartening message for the victims and survivors of our troubled past to hear but it is not the first time that the north’s most senior judge has spoken out on this issue.

Once again, Sir Declan expressed disappointment at the lack of a response to his request for funding but rightly pointed out that this is an even greater blow for families who have already been waiting decades in some instances.

The DUP is being blamed for blocking funds and it is notable that the party is now trying to divert attention away from RHI and instead is trying to make the potential prosecution of British soldiers who served during the Troubles an election issue.

The Lord Chief Justice rejected any suggestion that he was giving priority to cases holding the state to account rather than paramilitaries, insisting that he is determined to deliver outcomes for all victims and survivors.

This week, another senior legal figure, Director of Public Prosecutions Barra McGrory, also hit back at those questioning his impartiality amid claims that a `witch-hunt’ is being pursued against ex-military personnel.

As Mr McGrory pointed out, there have been only three decisions involving former soldiers in recent times, two resulting in prosecution and one that did not.

Comments by former Tory minister Gerald Howarth, who used parliamentary privilege to accuse Mr McGrory of `supporting’ Sinn Féin, are deeply disturbing.

For families waiting for truth and justice, further delays in resolving these important matters are profoundly dispiriting.

Hopes had been raised after a senior judge reviewed legacy cases and the judiciary took control of these much delayed inquests.

It is politics, not the legal system, which is blocking progress.

Sir Declan said yesterday that in the absence of additional resources for a Legacy Inquest Unit, it would be decades before all outstanding cases are completed.

This is plainly unacceptable and it is imperative that the legal authorities are allowed to get on with this work.

‘Illegal parades can go ahead’ despite court ruling – PSNI

Posted by Jim on February 3, 2017

PSNI police chief George Hamilton has responded defiantly after the
Supreme Court in London finally confirmed that the PSNI were wrong in
their decision not to stop intimidatory loyalist flag protest marches
four years ago.

There were widespread disturbances across Belfast in December 2012 after
councillors voted to no longer fly the British Union Jack flag every day
of the year.

At the height of the protests, the PSNI adopted a hands-off approach to
loyalist aggression as mobs blocked roads, rioted and held scores of
illegal ‘protest parades’. The largest of the parades travelled weekly
from east Belfast to the city centre, and involved mass violence and
intimidation against those living in the nationalist estates they passed
en route.

The violence was allowed to continue for months with minimal
interference from the PSNI, creating one of the biggest controversies
over sectarian policing in recent years. The PSNI claimed at the time
that they were prevented from taking action because of legislation
protecting the loyalists’ right to protest.

They said there was no “clarity” on the situation, while the then PSNI
Chief Matt Baggott himself said “human rights” was the reason the
disorder could not be prevented. Nationalists viewed the policing
decision as political and an attempt to appease loyalist paramilitaries.

After a case was taken against the PSNI by one affected nationalist
resident, a High Court judge said in 2014 that the police should not
have allowed the parades to take place. However, this was challenged by
the PSNI and the matter ended up in the Supreme Court, Britain’s highest
court, which found unanimously this week that the PSNI was wrong.

“The police failed to recognise that the integrity of that [parades]
system depended on the enforcement of the requirement to notify an
intention to hold a parade,” it said. “It is the police, not the Parades
Commission, who have the responsibility for preventing un-notified
parades from taking place.”

Lawyer Padraig O Muirigh, who represented the resident who brought the
legal challenge, said the ruling clarifies the law and powers available
to police and has “wide-ranging implications for the policing of
unnotified and illegal parades in the future”

SDLP justice spokesperson Alex Attwood described the court ruling as
“unambigous”.

“The PSNI had an inescapable duty to prevent, where possible, what was
plainly illegal,” he said.

East Belfast Sinn Fein representative Mairead O’Donnell said her
community had been “under siege” from illegal parades during the flag
protest.

“I commend the local resident who has pursued this case through the
courts on behalf of all the people of Short Strand. For months the
people of the Short Strand had to endure parades passing through our
area related to the loyalist flags protest,” she said.

“Essentially the community was under siege from these illegal parades.
The community challenged the PSNI to do something about it but they
refused.”

She added: “(The) judgement from the Supreme Court found that the PSNI
had to power to stop these parades all along but they failed to do so.
The PSNI got it wrong and the community in the Short Strand suffered.”

In a mealy-mouthed response, current PSNI chief George Hamilton
apologised to those “inconvenienced by this parade” but said he would
not necessarily issue different orders if similar trouble broke out
again.

“It gives clarity but it also identifies the importance of police
operational discretion,” he said. “So this judgment is not saying every
time there is an un-notified parade the police should stop it.”

Brokenshire comments infuriate Bloody Sunday families

Posted by Jim on

Crowds of local people joined a diverse range of activists and bands at
the Bloody Sunday March for Justice on Sunday. Relatives of those
killed and representatives from the wounded led the march, carrying 14
white crosses to symbolise those who lost their lives on Bloody Sunday.

Under blue skies, the marchers made their along the traditional route
into the Bogside with banners and flags carrying political, human
rights, trade union and environmental messages.

At Free Derry Corner, Damien ‘Bubbles’ Donaghy, who was shot on Bloody
Sunday, read out the names of those killed and wounded on January 30,
1972.

Kate Nash, whose brother William was shot dead on Bloody Sunday, and
whose father Alexander was shot and wounded as he tried to reach his
teenage son, addressed the crowds from the lorry set up in front of
Free Derry Corner.

A rendition of ‘We Shall Overcome’ was performed during the rally at
Free Derry Corner.

Ms Nash said that seven years ago there was attempts to shut the march
down but that did “that did not sit well with us”.

“We felt that the battle had not been won,” she said. “We knew the
Bloody Sunday victims deserved more. Here we are today still on this
platform demanding justice for the families of Bloody Sunday.

“The Bloody Sunday murder investigation has recently been completed and
sent to the Public Prosecution Service. So we await their decision.
Meanwhile the British government are beavering away and talking about
bringing in legislation to protect their soldiers — they don’t believe
old age pensioners should face prosecution.

“One law for them and another one for us. There you have it, a
government that is giving their army a license to murder.”

Ms. Nash referred to others fighting for justice, including the
families of the Ballymurphy victims, the families of Seamus Bradley and
Daniel Hegarty who were killed during Operation Motorman, the family of
Martha Campbell.

“All these innocent people cry out for justice. The list goes on and
on.”

There were cheers and shouts of ‘Free Tony Taylor’ as Ms Nash mentioned
his case.

“He was taken from his family almost a year ago. No reason was given by
the authorities, nor indeed to Tony’s legal representation. No
indication whatever, a clear abuse of power by the British government,
but we are used to that aren’t we?”

Earlier on Sunday, all the Bloody Sunday families came together for a
short commemoration at a monument at Rossville Street in Derry.

During the service, Gerry Duddy, brother of Jackie Duddy, paid tribute
to the people of Derry and those from around the world who have
supported them in their fight for justice over the decades.

“You understood our pain and anguish, you shared our frustration as we
campaigned for truth, you shared our hopes that justice would
eventually prevail,” he said.

“Today we thank our families and supporters far and wide. We could not
have achieved any of this without you.”

Mr Duddy said the families particularly wanted to pay tribute to the
late Bishop Edward Daly “who was a great friend to all of us in the
years since Bloody Sunday and a great strength to the families in times
of need”.

“Bishop Daly will be sorely missed by this city,” Mr Duddy said.

‘PROSECUTIONS MUST GO AHEAD’

He said: “What people fail to realise is that soldiers must be
investigated now because they were never investigated in the past. Over
300 State killings here, only four soldiers were ever convicted of
murder, all of whom were released early, some promoted.

“Elements within the legal system are attempting to protect the very
soldiers who broke the law to murder and maim on Irish soil. We demand
that those who murdered our civilians and loved ones be prosecuted in a
court of law. This responsibility now lies with the Public Prosecution
Service. We say to them do the right thing. Prosecute those who
murdered without guilt or remorse. Justice must be seen to be done. Do
it now.”

Mickey McKinney, whose brother Willie was also murdered on Bloody
Sunday, said that 45 years on, time was a major factor in securing
justice. “I want them in court, and all the other relatives want them
in court,” he said. “Time is marching on. That’s one of the main
factors in the whole process.”

SOLDIERS’ PROTEST

In a provocative act, a number of former British soldiers in the north
of Ireland staged a protest at Westminster on the 45th anniversary of
the 1972 killings. The move was described as offensive by the Bloody
Sunday Trust.

Trust chairman, Robin Percival said the timing of the protest was not
coincidental. “They can’t have failed to notice that the end of January
is the anniversary of one of the most notorious massacres carried out
by their colleagues. The timing is deliberate and is intended to
offend,” he said.

At the protest, soldiers claimed the recent naming of the paratrooper
who in 1971 killed Henry Thornton, an innocent van driver and
father-of-six, and the planned prosecution of two soldiers for the
cold-blooded killing of OIRA Vol. Joe McCann in 1972, are examples of
“bias” against them.

They have also claimed that up to 90% of the PSNI legacy investigations
is focused on killings by the Crown forces — however, figures revealed
this week show such investigations account for only about 30% of the
PSNI legacy workload.

In addition, no member of the Crown forces have been jailed since the
1998 peace deal, although several republicans have been convicted and
imprisoned for pre-1998 offences, or have been interned as a result.

The soldiers’ claims were controversially backed up by Britain’s
governor in the North of Ireland. James Brokenshire wrote in a
newspaper column that investigations into killings during the conflict
are “disproportionately” focusing on members of the Crown forces.

His comments appear to reflect a harder line in recent weeks by his
government in the wake of the collapse of the powersharing institutions
at Stormont. It was also apparent in a deliberate snub by the British
Direct Ruler at a Gaelic sports event when he was seen to avoid beng
present during the playing of the Irish national anthem.

John Kelly, whose 17-year-old brother Michael was shot dead when the
parachute regiment opened fire in Derry on 30 January 1972, described
Brokenshire’s comments as scandalous.

“Over 300 civilians have been murdered by the British Army over the
years and out of those 300 cases only four soldiers have ever been
prosecuted for any wrongdoing,” he said.

“It baffles me when the Secretary of State, who supposedly represents
all the people of this part of the world, comes out with a scandalous
statement like that, he should be ashamed of himself.”

‘FRICTIONLESS’ BORDER CHECKS AS BRITAIN WAIVES THE RULES

Posted by Jim on

The British government appears to be planning a return of customs
controls across the Six County border and may even be hoping to push
all of Ireland out of the EU following hardline statements on its
Brexit plans this week.

In an outline of its plans published in a White Paper, the Tories
showed their intention that the north of Ireland will be taken out of
the EU single market and customs union. Experts have said this will
inevitably require the introduction of checkpoints at the border.

British governor in the North, James Brokenshire said that his
government will look at addressing “individual issues” for the North of
Ireland during Brexit negotiations, but described calls for the Six
Counties to have special status to allow them to remain inside the EU
customs union as the “wrong approach”.

The British stance has generated frustration amid a growing sense of
crisis.

“This position does little in our view to deal with the disastrous
political, social and economic impact Brexit will have on our interests
here on the island of Ireland,” said Sinn Fein’s Michell O’Neill.

British prime minister Theresa May’s visited Dublin for an effective
photocall with Irish Taoiseach Enda Kenny last Monday, but only after
refusing an invitation to address the Dublin parliament . Her
description of future border arrangements as “frictionless” reinforced
concerns that her government has already begun to gently promote the
return of border controls.

Two EU customs and international trade experts, Michael Lux and Eric
Pickett this week told a Westminster committee that the British
PM was using “nice words” — but that the Dublin government would be
forced to implement full EU customs checks, with all the necessary
security implications.

Some MPs expressed shock when Mr Lux gave another example of problems
that would arise post-Brexit. “If a Northern Ireland person has a walk
and takes its dog over the border there are specific rules on what kind
of document you have to have,” he told the committee. “You need a
specific document – if you bring a horse riding you also need a specific
document.”

Commentators believe Britain might now be intending to put the 26 County
state in the position of having to choose between reinforcing the
implementation of partition, which could prove politically devastating,
or leaving the EU.

Ms O’Neill said she met Theresa May on Monday but that she “did not
listen” to her concerns. She warned aspirations for a friction-free
Brexit “do not mean anything in practice” and again called for the north
of Ireland to be accorded special status within the EU.

“What we are very sure of is the implications of a hard Brexit are going
to mean a hard border – a soft border is a nonsense,” she said. “So the
implications are severe.”

Sinn Fein has pointed to the example of Greenland, which secured a
special deal after it left the European Community in 1985 covering
fisheries. Mrs O’Neill told an event in Belfast: “We are not looking to
recreate the wheel. This is something that has been done elsewhere.
Other states have had opportunity to have special designated status. We
are asking for the same.”

There were also deep implications for the peace process after the
Supreme Court in London controversially recognised the sovereignty of
the Westminster parliament above the result of the Brexit referendum —
both for the British jurisdiction as a whole and for the individual
devolved regions, including the Six Counties.

The judgement overrules that section of the Good Friday Agreement which
states that the consent of those within the Six County area is required
for a change in its constitutional status.

Ms O’Neill called for he political, constitutional and institutional
integrity of the Good Friday Agreement to be “fully defended”.

“It is clear that Tory Government is seeking to impose Brexit against
the will of the people in the north and of the people of Scotland. The
Tory Government have effectively set aside the democratic process to
pursue their own narrow political agenda,” she said.

Des Dalton of Republican Sinn Fein said the ruling had emphasised that
powers of national sovereignty are “vested in the British imperial
parliament at Westminster” while the Six County state is regarded as
merely another region under its rule.

“The British Supreme Court Ruling exposes the reality that the British
government’s supposed concern for the ‘will of the majority within
Northern Ireland’ is subservient to the interests of the imperial
parliament at Westminster,” he said.