Posted by Jim on May 20, 2017
The DUP is under intense pressure to reveal the source of a large
donation received during the referendum on Britain’s EU membership last
June.
In February of this year, the DUP confirmed that it received a donation
of more than half a million euro from a group of business people led by
a Scottish Conservative party member, the ‘Constitutional Research
Council’ (CRC). It passed almost all of it on to help fund the
pro-Brexit campaign in Britain.
Two days before the Brexit referendum last June, the Metro freesheet in
London and other British cities came wrapped in a hugely expensive,
four-page glossy propaganda supplement urging readers to vote Leave.
It was paid for by the DUP, even though Metro does not circulate in
Ireland.
The Metro wraparound cost a staggering 282,000 pounds (330,000 euro) –
thought to be the biggest single campaign expense in the history of
Irish politics. It dwarfs the 90,000 pounds (106,000 euro) the DUP
spent on its entire campaign for the previous month’s assembly
elections.
The DUP eventually admitted that this spending came from the donation
of 425,622 pounds (530,000 euro). It has repeatedly refused to
identify who provided the cash originally.
It is thought that the party was used as a front because, unlike
Britain, there is no legal requirement for large party donations in the
North of Ireland to be made public.
There are possible links between the cash and the Saudi Arabian royal
family and the Saudi intelligence service through the head of the CRC,
former Scottish Conservative parliamentary candidate Richard Cook.
Efforts to unearth the original source of what Sinn Fein describe as
‘dark money’ have been rebuffed by both the DUP and the CRC.
The DUP’s Brexit campaign manager, Jeffrey Donaldson, has said that the
party did not need to know the true source of the money, a statement
which appeared in violation of electoral law.
Mr Donaldson has also said that he couldn’t remember why his party
choose to spend more than 32,000 pounds during the Brexit campaign on a
controversial data analytics company linked to Donald Trump.
It paid 32,750 pounds to Aggregate IQ, a data analytics company based in
British Columbia, Canada, according to accounts filed with the Electoral
Commission. This money was to target voters on social media during the
Brexit referendum campaign.
It is still unclear why the DUP decided to spend an amount more than
half its budget for the 2015 general election with a little-known data
analytics company in Canada, and Donaldson has provided no answers.
The firm has very close ties to Cambridge Analytica and hedge fund
billionaire and Donald Trump-backer Robert Mercer. Cambridge Analytica
has also been linked to the use of ‘big data’ psychological programming
techniques to help swing the US presidential election in Trump’s favour.
Speaking on BBC’s The View, Arlene Foster said the controversy was an
attempt to distract from “real issues”
She claimed she knew who the source donors were — British businessmen,
she said — but refused to identify them. She said she was “satisfied
that the people who gave it had every right to give the donation”.
“We have answered all the questions the Electoral Commission have asked
us. It is satisfied we have done everything in accordance with the law
and I am satisfied,” she said.
Sinn Fein has met with the Electoral Commission to discuss the unusual
donation and campaign spending.
“Most of the money, 282,000 pounds, was spent in London where the DUP have no
presence, on a pro-Brexit wrap-around in the Metro freesheet,” said
former Sinn Fein finance minister Mairtin O Muilleoir.
“Putting this in context that was more than three times the amount spent
by the DUP in last May’s Assembly election,” he added.
“The Constitutional Research Council has no legal status, publishes no
membership list, has no public presence and has failed to make public
where it got the money,” said Mr O Muilleoir.
The party’s election candidate in west Belfast, Paul Maskey, said there
are “serious public concerns” about the donation.
“With allegations of involvement of individuals linked to Saudi Arabian
intelligence it is vital that the public gets answers as it is illegal
to receive election donations from a foreign government,” he said.
Posted by Jim on May 18, 2017
Enda Kenny has announced that he will step down as leader of the Fine
Gael Party, effective at midnight, but will continue to fill the
position of Taoiseach until June.
In a statement, Kenny said:
“Last year I indicated that I would not lead the Fine Gael Party into
the next General Election. I have decided to implement that decision
from today. Therefore I will retire as Leader of Fine Gael effective
from midnight tonight 17th May 2017.
“I will continue to carry out my duties as Part Leader in an acting
capacity, until my successor is elected through the Fine Gael Leadership
Election process.
“I have asked that the Fine Gael Executive Council expedite this process
and to have it concluded by close of business on Friday 2nd June.”
His move averts a heave by senior Fine Gael ministers amid increasing
concern over the paralysis in the administration he cobbled together
with the support of Fianna Fail following the general election in May
2016.
The move had been widely telegraphed last month amid an overt political
and media campaign to burnish his reputation, particularly in regard to
a self-styled ‘diplomatic triumph’ over the Brexit negotiations.
Mr Kenny said he would remain in place as Taoiseach for a “brief but
appropriate period”. It is understood he will continue to draw the
salary of Taoiseach at least into June, following a planned ‘lap of
triumph’ tour to include a visit to Canada.
The announcement brings to an end years of speculation about his
departure. He became the longest-serving Fine Gael Taoiseach in April
2017.
However, it finally clears the way for leadership hopefuls Minister for
Social Protection Leo Varadkar and Housing Minister Simon Coveney to
launch their campaigns to take over the party and become Taoiseach.
Mr Kenny paid special tribute to his wife Fionnuala, children and
siblings “for their understanding of my work, and indeed for accepting
the many intrusions of politics into family life in the interest of
building our country”.
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams wished wish Enda Kenny and his family
well. “It will be a big a change in all of their lives,” he said.
“He and I disagree on many political issues, but I acknowledge that he
did his best from his perspective. From Sinn Fein’s perspective, this
was not good enough.
“In 2011, Mr Kenny came to power with the largest majority in the
history of the state. He promised a democratic revolution. Six years on
and his political legacy is dominated by crisis, chaos, and chronic lack
of accountability.
“There is an ongoing and unprecedented crisis in housing and
homelessness. The health service is in chaos and there is the deep
crisis in policing and justice.
“The government’s strategy for dealing with the challenge of Brexit,
acknowledged as the greatest threat to the economies of this island in
generations, is deeply flawed.
“There also a clear lack of affinity with the North and a clear lack of
consistent strategic engagement on the process of change that is
required to sustain the political institutions.
“This is a do-nothing government courtesy of the confidence and supply
arrangement with the government’s partner in Fianna Fail.
“The reality is that so-called new politics, led by Mr Kenny and the
Micheal Martin, isn’t new at all. As a result, there is a deep paralysis
in the body politic.
“The reality is that Fine Gael, no matter who leads them, are firmly
wedded to the policies that cause so much hardship in the daily lives of
ordinary people.
“That will not change under Leo Varadkar, Simon Coveney or any other
contender. We need a change of government, not just a change of
Taoiseach.”
Posted by Jim on May 13, 2017
A major rally calling for the introduction of an Irish language act for
the north is to be held in Belfast.
The protest, organised by campaign group An Dream Dearg, is scheduled
for next weekend, Saturday May 20. Around 5,000 protesters are expected
to take part, and buses have been organised from points across Ireland.
The issue of an Irish language act has proved one of the most divisive
between Sinn Fein and the DUP as political talks to restore devolution
stalled before Easter.
Campaigners have urged parties not to return to Stormont without
legislation for an Irish language act.
Padraig O Tiarnaigh, from An Dream Dearg, said participants were being
asked to dress in red, in keeping with the campaign slogan ‘Dearg le
Fearg’ (red with anger).
The demonstration follows several protests by Irish language groups
about the act, and cuts to bursaries and services, in recent months at
locations across the north, including Stormont.
“The idea is to bring all of the previous protests together into one.
There has been a group meeting every Wednesday night to organise things,
put up posters, notify the Parades Commission,” said Mr O Tiarnaigh.
“Last week 13 Irish language schools across the north held a non-uniform
day to raise funds for buses to bring people to the May 20 protest.
“As we have seen since Christmas the Irish language community is more
organised than ever. Everyone is coming together to support the call for
an Irish language act. This is the time to resolve it.”
Organisers are urging supporters to meet at the Culturlann on Falls Road
in west Belfast at noon, before marching to City Hall where there will
be speeches and a family fun day. A similar protest was held in April
2014.
DUP BID TO BROADEN APPEAL
Last week an announcement by DUP leader Arlene Foster that she wants to
meet with Irish speakers was welcomed by language groups.
Mrs Foster said she intended to meet with Irish speakers “over the next
short period of time” to “respect and better understand” the language
and culture.
At the launch of the party’s Assembly election campaign in February, Mrs
Foster had said the DUP would never agree to Sinn Fein demands for an
Irish Language Act, adding: “If you feed a crocodile it will keep coming
back for more.”
The comments provoked a comedic, crocodile-themed campaign by language
activists and was linked to increased support for SF among young voters
in the February election.
More recently there have been conflicting signals from the DUP over its
attitude to an Irish language act, with claims that Ms Foster might
allow the move as part of an initiative “to respect all cultures,
including the Ulster Scots [dialect], the Orange [the Orange Order], the
British culture.”
However, DUP hardline Gregory Campbell on Tuesday insisted: “There will
be no Irish language act. We have said that all along and that is what
we are saying now.”
While cultivating a ‘softer’ image for the party, the election has also
provoked many DUP figures to bang the tribal drum. Ballymena councillor
John Carson said he will “continue to pray” that Sinn Fein’s Gerry Kelly
will soon die and “face the one true judge, just like Marty [Martin
McGuinness]”.
As part of a campaign to rally unionist hardliners to the polls, the
anti-Catholic Orange Order has been hosting ‘election clinics’ in its
halls.
SDLP East Derry John Dallat said it raises further questions over the
Stormont administration’s continued funding for what he said was an
“overtly sectarian” election campaign. The DUP, whose Minister approved
the funding for the Orange Order, defended the campaign saying it would
“boost participation in the democratic process”.
Arlene Foster said nationalism’s ‘electoral resurgence’ made it
essential for the party to maximise its vote in next month’s Westminster
election.
She said the election was “inevitably a referendum on Northern Ireland’s
place in the UK” and that the assembly election in March had been a
“wake-up call”.
“At this election we must sound the alarm bells and make sure that each
and every person in Northern Ireland is aware of what is at stake – the
choice is clear,” she said.
“This Westminster election gives unionism an early opportunity to put
things right and to get back on the right track.”
Her party may also get an unexpected boost after Mike Nesbitt, leader of
the rival unionist UUP, was photographed on the floor of a Belfast
hotel, apparently unconscious.
The 59-year-old, the party’s candidate for the Strangford constituency,
said: “I went to the hotel with three friends”. He said “things
happened” but declined to elaborate. “I don’t want to say any more,” he
said.
Posted by Jim on
In a surprise move, a date has finally been set for an inquest into the
deaths of those shot in a bout of killing by British soldiers in
Ballymurphy almost 50 years ago.
In 1971, as part of the internment swoops by the British Army and RUC,
the British Parachute Regiment was sent into Ballymurphy in west
Belfast. In the 36 hours after the internment arrests began, eleven
civilians were killed in the area.
Among those shot dead was a local parish priest, Fr Hugh Mullan, and
Joan Connolly, a mother of eight.
The families have campaigned for 46 years for the truth about the
circumstances surrounding the deaths of their loved ones. They were at
the High Court on Friday for a routine preliminary hearing when they
heard the news that a date for a full hearing of the inquest had been
set for 11 September 2018.
John Taggart, who lost his father Daniel, said: “That’s a fantastic
result for families like ourselves who’ve waited well over 40 years.
“We were hoping for this, you just couldn’t go on, the MoD [British
Ministry of Defence] were dragging their feet with disclosure and
everything else, and fair play to him [the judge], he’s took hold of
this and he says there’s the date, get ready for it and that’s what
we’re happy with.”
The relatives have battled delaying tactics over funding and disclosure,
but they were described as emotional at the news on Friday. The
families’ lawyer Padraig O Muirigh described it as progress, but said
there is more work to do.
“The biggest issue and the most disappointing issue today in terms of
progress was the lack of tracing the soldiers,” he said.
“We’ve identified a number of ways that this can be progressed and the
coroner is taking those ideas on board and the coronial investigators
will take that forward in the coming months before the inquest.”
Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams commended the “courage and unflagging
determination” of the families.
The innocent victims who lost their lives were: Fr Hugh Mullan, Francis
Quinn, Daniel Teggart, Joan Connolly – a mother of eight, Joseph Murphy,
Noel Phillips, Edward Doherty, John Laverty, Joseph Corr and John
McKerr. An eleventh man, local community worker Paddy McCarthy, died
from a heart attack after a British Army patrol subjected him to a mock
execution.
SUNDAY PROSECUTIONS?
In another positive development, a relative of those killed on Bloody
Sunday has said prosecutors are considering charging 18 British
soldiers.
Thirteen people died when members of the Parachute Regiment opened fire
on Civil Rights demonstrators in Derry in 1972. A fourteenth person died
later.
John Kelly, whose brother Michael was among those killed, said he met
prosecutors recently and was told prosecutors are investigating 18
soldiers.
A Public Prosecution Service (PPS) spokesman later confirmed:
“Investigation files in relation to Bloody Sunday were passed to the PPS
in December 2016 and are presently under active consideration.
“No prosecution decision has yet been taken in relation to these files
and it is likely to be some time before any decision will issue.
“We have recently made contact with families to provide an update on
progress and also to explain our role and some of the legal issues that
require consideration in this case.”
Posted by Jim on
As Republicans gathered in Dublin to mark the anniversary of the
killing of Ronan MacLochlainn by Gardai 19 years ago, 32 County
Sovereignty Movement national chair Francis Mackey urged support for
The Proclamation Project, which was recently launched by the group.
Mr Mackey said the project is a “five year strategy to put Irish
republicanism back into the driving seat of securing Irish unity”. The
following is an extract from the draft document.
Introduction
The success of the Moore Street Occupation and the Easter Monday
Centenary Commemoration in Dublin are demonstrable examples of how
effective republican cooperation can be. Both events returned, in some
measure, a political dignity to Irish republicanism. They also lay to
rest the view that such cooperation cannot work and negate any strategy
that would utilise this view to avoid engagement between republicans.
In each event, and in the processes to create them, the integrity of all
organisations and viewpoints were respected. To the fore was the
attainment of the objective at hand as opposed to using the engagement
simply to advance a given group’s position. The simplicity of the format
became its dynamic, the underlying rule being that the better argument
prevails.
All those who participated were encouraged to speak in whatever status
they so chose, individual or group representative, to ensure that
whichever decisions were taken reflected the majority of views
expressed.
It was also recognised that any failure to find agreement on a given
point would not be viewed as an impediment or bar on seeking agreement
on others. Equally, points of agreement and decisions made were not
continuously re-visited but robustly implemented to maintain forward
momentum.
The initiative behind the Easter Centenary March was focussed on
requiring groups participating to present their core message as opposed
to simply advertising which particular group they represented. The
intent of this strategy was to move the current republican narrative out
of the cocoon of the group and into the national conversation with their
core political message. This was as challenging as it was necessary
because it contained inherent implications; if a group has nothing
different to say then why does it exist? If it has something to say why
not ally it with similar views to propagate it wider?
The necessity of this challenge was born from the realisation that what
currently unites all shades of republicanism and socialism is failure
and that what is required is not the formation of new groups but the
consolidation and development of a policy programme that can advance
republican and socialist politics. The current low state of Irish
republicanism is self inflicted; to pretend otherwise is a dangerous
dishonesty. There are no quick fixes and any solutions which are not
challenging are not solutions at all.
Both events referenced here were extremely challenging and required a
tenacity and pragmatism to see them through. But central to the success
of any future strategies must be the re-introduction of a sense of
comradeship between republicans because in its absence even the most
eloquent political theory will not advance one iota.
A national struggle requires a national mindset and all community
political activity and campaigns must have a national dimension. There
is no place in the republican struggle for parochialism. It is a
debilitating and isolating practice which feeds of narrow mindedness and
innuendo.
Equally, seeking refuge in ideological rigidity or historical
technicalities is the very antithesis of what the concept of a
revolutionary movement should be. Claims to represent or be a republican
must be evaluated on the quality, depth and strategic merit of the
activity carried out in its pursuit. In short Irish republicanism and
socialism must be synonymous with that pursuit.
The most fundamental form of political activity is the act of talking,
first to each other then together with others whom we need to engage.
Dialogue is essential if ideas are to be translated into strategies and
such strategies have a better prospect of gaining traction if those who
are implementing them played a full part in their construction.
What is set out below is a template within which the dual criterion of
political strategy building can be initiated, namely, conversing
together to work out policy and strategy and acting together to
implement it.
The Proclamation Project
A credible political strategy must contain and be cognisant of the
following:
* Unity of purpose
* Defined objectives
* Defined policies
Unity of Purpose
Republicans working together is as important as the fruits of that work.
The fractured nature of the republican base is testament to the fact
that dialogue amongst republicans is practically non-existent. It has
reached a crisis point wherein the deliberate avoidance of dialogue is
the first priority and this is justified primarily on personal slander
and parochial ego. In normal political discourse there is merit in
considered disagreement yet even this is absent in the republican case.
It is failure manifested.
It is beyond pointless to pursue to any extent a political objective
which is predicated on failure. And it is equally pointless to place
false preconditions on addressing and ending such a state of affairs.
There is no issue of ideology, episode of history or point of politics
which is served by not ending failure. Blame is not a solution. This is
the first nettle which needs to grasped; republicans and socialists need
to sit down together in a mature and pragmatic manner, in the first
instance, to demonstrate to the people in whose name we claim to act
that we can indeed do so. How can we talk credibly of unity in any sense
yet fail to practice it ourselves? It is a wholly unsustainable
position.
Defined Objectives
Aspirations are reached via the mechanism of defined objectives.
Objectives are so defined according to our abilities to realistically
achieve them. These abilities are greatly enhanced with republicans
working in tandem which also allows for a more nuanced and practical
process in selecting them. Once selected they give structure and
direction to the republican struggle.
In setting out interim republican objectives we must balance the
equation of ability set against relevance; relevance to contemporary
society and relevance to the broader aspiration. Objectives are
practical goals and at their core must be a working relationship between
republicans and our communities. We cannot hope to bring our communities
into the republican project by dealing with issues which do not affect
them. This is where it is critical in understanding that all local
republican campaigns must have a corresponding national dimension.
Defined Policies
An aspiration or an opinion is not a policy; nor is wearing a mask.
Stating a position of wanting a United Ireland or the means of
production to be in the control of the people are not in themselves
policies to achieve them. Inherent in any meaningful definition of
policy must be a strategy to pursue them. Policies can only define who
we are once we actively pursue and implement them. It is our activism
that will ultimately define us because whereas a policy reflects intent
activism in their pursuit reflects ability and commitment.
There is a wealth of republican and socialist thinking at our disposal.
At times we have allowed this resource to be stagnated by slogans and
misappropriated to justify sides in schisms. From Wolfe Tone to Ta Power
there exists a rich tapestry of revolutionary thought that a cooperating
republican base can devise exceptional and distinctive policies.
Recognising the primacy of revolutionary politics returns to the
Republican Movement a political sophistication which cannot be ignored.
It is vital that republican socialism removes itself from the
straitjacket of being perceived as a protest movement, more anti
capitalist than proactively socialist. Our policy platform must be based
on providing solutions.
Strategy Template
The next five years affords Irish republicanism an unprecedented
opportunity to reinvigorate the republican project. The Centenaries of
the most seminal events in republican history will place into the
national narrative the core issues which are at the heart of Irish
republicanism. As witnessed with the Centenary of 1916 the State and the
revisionists were desperate to dilute the central tenets of what the
Proclamation represents. But ultimately this was a distraction for
republicans. Arguing with revisionists is not providing political
alternatives or delivering radical solutions. This is where our focus
must be.
The Easter Monday March was always to be viewed as a start point, a
watershed. Republicans marked the event with a display of unity, a clear
message in itself and an immensely fitting and important first step. The
oncoming Centenaries can act as focal points around which a corpus of
political and social policy can be formulated. Using the Centenaries in
such a fashion allows republicans two critical components; a defined
timeframe with an end point to aim for and a political end point in
which the culmination of policy formation can directly address. In
effect republicans will celebrate these Centenaries not with quaint
pageantry but with separatist politics structured around agreed
policies.
* 1918 General Election: Democracy & The Citizen
* Founding of the First Dail: Parliament & The Citizen
* Declaration of Independence: Sovereignty & The Citizen
* Democratic Programme: Society & The Citizen
* War of Independence: War & The Citizen
* 1921 Treaty: Negotiations & The British
Within these headings will be issues that will directly affect
individual citizens, communities and the country at large and which in
turn republicans will have to formulate policies and strategies to
implement them.
* Sovereignty of the Individual
* Sovereignty of Community
* National Sovereignty
* Unionism
* Right to a Home
* Right to our Natural Resources
* Debt, Poverty & Society
* The Drug Abuse Question
* A.N. Other
The trajectory of this political activity is ultimately a return to the
negotiations table with the British to end, once and for all, their
presence in our country. The revolutionary period between 1916 and 1921
is where Irish republicanism got it right. Where it failed was in
abandoning this position by allowing the British to determine their
constitutional status in the Treaty negotiations. The British would not
recognise the Irish delegates as representatives of the Irish Republic
but rather as representatives of the British created Southern
Parliament. Once the delegates conceded to this they were, in the words
of delegate Robert Barton, “on the road to disaster”.
This error was repeated in the Good Friday Agreement negotiations. The
entry fee into those negotiations was the prior acceptance of a
partitionist outcome which it duly delivered. The case for Irish
national sovereignty was neither made nor defended in that process.
The key lesson from this history is that for republicans to call for
such negotiations we must have in place key elements which reflect and
protect the totality of the republican position:
* Irish national sovereignty defined in International Law
* The participation of the people via Policy Programme
* Blueprint for a post withdrawal Ireland
The Proclamation Project proposal is geared toward reinvigorating
republican politics by concentrating on building coherence in the
republican message over a five year period. As that coherency brings
depth and clarity to the republican position our political influence on
the national narrative increases also. It can only be accomplished by
republicans and socialists sitting down and talking. To view or use the
proposal as a means to garner support, real or imagined, for any given
group, or given group’s position, is to completely misunderstand its
purpose.