Posted by Jim on June 5, 2017
A protest was held on Friday afternoon, June 2, over the inclusion of
the names of British soldiers and RUC members killed during the conflict
in an installation at the Museum of Free Derry.
Margaret Wray, whose brother Jim Wray was one of the teenagers shot dead
on Bloody Sunday, has said she is demanding artefacts currently housed
at the museum be returned to her family, including the jacket with the
bullet holes he was wearing that day.
The furore is over a new installation which includes a video to list the
victims of the conflict between 1969-1972, including the names of the
British occupying forces.
Scores of protesters gathered at the entrance to the museum on Friday
afternoon to call for the names and details of British soldiers and RUC
personnel to be removed. A small number also gathered to support their
inclusion.
The attempt to create a single narrative of the conflict mirrors efforts
by the Dublin government to pay tribute to British soldiers who died
during Ireland’s freedom struggle alongside those Irish heroes who died
or were executed by British forces.
A petition with 1,000 names was handed into the Derry museum earlier
this week over their installation.
Speaking during the protest, Margaret Wray said: “Nobody wants peace as
much as me and wants the true history recorded, but there is a place for
everything, and policemen’s names and British soldiers’ names – that
museum is not the place for it, where my grandmother’s windows were shot
in that day in that very building, and my brother was just up there.”
She added; “I belong to no organisation or group. I want peace, I’m
delighted with peace and I respect all cultures but this is not the
place for the list of soldiers and RUC members here. Why are they doing
that in here?”
She said if the list is not removed she will have the jacket her brother
was wearing when he was killed returned to the family.
The organisers of the protest Brian Boyle, who has set up a ‘Not In Free
Derry’ Facebook page, said he had received huge support for his stance,
and said there would be more protests if the names are not removed.
“What we want is to be able to remember our dead without a reminder of
those who occupied, tortured, maimed or murdered our friends and loved
ones,” he said.
Kate Nash, whose 19-year-old brother William was among those shot dead
on Bloody Sunday, called on the museum to remove the names immediately.
“It disgusts me that they are remembering British soldiers and police
officers when my brother was murdered by British soldiers right outside
their front door. I would ask the Bloody Sunday Trust to take these
names down,” she said.
Jean Hegarty, who works for the Bloody Sunday Trust which owns the
museum, said there were British Army personnel who had died in the same
place in the same period. Ms Hegarty said: “It is something we cannot,
in telling the truth of the events, ignore. We just cannot do that.”
The Museum of Free Derry said it is “totally unrepentant” about
including those names, which it says it had always displayed. The museum
received half a million pounds in state funds last year.
A spokesperson for the Bloody Sunday Trust said they would consider the
petition, but insisted:
“It is clear from the displays within the Museum that we are highly
critical of the role of the British Army and RUC in Derry. It is what
the Museum is about telling the story of the Free Derry from the
perspective on those who lived through it.
“This display of the names of the dead had been part of the museum for
the past ten years. We have never received one single complaint until
now.”
Posted by Jim on
In a move which has brought the two nationalist parties in the North
closer than ever politically, the SDLP is backing calls for a border
poll on Irish reunification.
The leader of the SDLP, Colum Eastwood, said a poll on a united Ireland
within the Six Counties should be called after the Brexit negotiations
are concluded.
Launching his party’s Westminster election manifesto in Belfast on
Tuesday, Colum Eastwood said a referendum on Irish unity would “need to
happen after Brexit”.
He did not give a specific date for the vote, but suggested it should
take place when the negotiations on taking Britain out of the European
Union are completed.
Previously the party had said the time ‘wasn’t right’ for the move,
which was advocated by Sinn Fein before the outcome of the Brexit
referendum brought new momentum to the campaign.
Mr Eastwood said the SDLP would campaign on creating an “Ireland based
on reconciliation and working together”.
He referred to how the British government accepted that, in the event of
a vote for unity, the Six Counties would rejoin the EU. Mr Eastwood
claimed that it was pressure from Foyle MP Mark Durkan which convinced
the British Brexit secretary David Davis to accept that the North of
Ireland was “the only place in these islands with an automatic path back
into the EU as a result of the principle of consent and the Good Friday
Agreement”.
“While others were waving banners, the SDLP made the prospect of a
successful unity referendum much more possible because a Border poll is
no longer solely the project of Irish nationalism but of pro-European
internationalism,” he declared.
“We think there’s now a route for actually winning a border poll,” he
said. “In terms of timescale, I think it would need to happen after
Brexit when we see the dust settling.”
The two parties’ varying approach to the parliaments in London and
Dublin is now the only difference between them on the major
constitutional questions. The SDLP does not contest elections in the 26
Counties, while Sinn Fein MPs refuse to take their seats at Westminster.
The SDLP leader again defended the position of his party’s MPs, who must
pledge their allegiance to the British Crown before they can take their
seats and salaries at Westminster. Mr Eastwood criticised Sinn Fein for
refusing to take its seats in the House of Commons, particularly at a
time when he said there was real prospect of a hung British parliament.
He said the political calculus of the Westminster election was simple:
“A DUP seat will only add to Tory numbers – a Sinn Fein seat won’t even
get counted.”
The SDLP is struggling to hold on to its three seats held by three
former leaders, Alasdair McDonnell in South Belfast, Mark Durkan in
Foyle and Margaret Ritchie in South Down. It is under pressure from Sinn
Fein in Foyle and South Down, and from the DUP in South Belfast.
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams welcomed the SDLP’s change in stance in
favour of an Irish Unity referendum.
“Sinn Fein have called for such a vote to be held within the next five
years,” he said. “All parties that claim to support Irish Unity,
including Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, and Labour, should now make the call
for referendums North and South in line with the provisions of the Good
Friday Agreement.
“The imposition of Brexit underlines the undemocratic nature of
partition and its impact on citizens, the economy, and public services.
A Unity Referendum is an opportunity for the people to have their say
and to build a new, united, and agreed Ireland.
“So, parties should support the call and make the case for unity.”
However, launching the Conservatives’ ‘Northern Ireland’ manifesto,
British Direct Ruler James Brokenshire again declared the conditions for
calling a Border poll on unification were “not remotely satisfied”.
“I remain satisfied on the basis of all reliable indicators of the
continued support for the devolved administration, the principles and
the structures and institutions that are underpinned within the Belfast
Agreement (1998) and its successors, and I am very clear that the
requirements for a border poll are not remotely satisfied,” he said
Posted by Jim on
A Bloody Fight At Blackwater Ireland
The Scots landed an army at Carrickfergus in 1642 following the Irish rebellion of 1641. Their objectives were to protect the Scottish settlers, conquer the country, and destroy Catholicism in Ireland and impose Presbyterianism as the state religion and in doing so protect Scotland from a Catholic Irish invasion. After landing, they linked up with an army of settlers around Derry commanded by Robert Stewart(the Lagan army). They were also in contact with English garrisons at Lisnagarvey(Lisburn), Belfast and Newry.
Owen Roe O’Neill, son of Cormac Mac Barron O’Neill and nephew of the great Hugh, had an illustrious military career in the service of Spain in the Spanish Netherlands.
Following his superb defence of Arras whilst besieged by the full military might of France he had become one of the best known and admired professional soldiers in Europe. He landed at Doe castle in Donegal in 1642 and became General of the Irish Confederate Army of Ulster based at Charlemont fort on the border of Armagh and Tyrone and at Castle Oughter in County Cavan, the stronghold of his kinsmen the O’Reillys. The Scots and English had control of the area up to Charlemont, and the Irish prevented them from pushing south. Both sides constantly raided into the other’s territory in search of food and conducted a vicious scorched earth policy. O’Neill commented that Ulster looked “not only like a desert, but like hell.” A sort of status quo existed with one side or the other gaining very temporary marginal advantage until 1646.
In 1645, O’Neill at last obtained funding and a large consignment of weapons through the Vatican Papal Nuncio to Ireland, Giovanni Battista Rinuccini. This enabled Owen Roe to properly train,arm,and pay his men as professional soldiers and prepare for a full pitched battle which he had previously tried to avoid.
Map of battle Sites
In the summer of 1646, the Scots commander Major General Robert Monroe, like O’Neill an experienced veteran of the continental wars under Gustavus Adolfus of Sweden decided to penetrate southwards with a force of some 6000 men well supplied and armed, including six pieces of light artillery. He had arranged to rendezvous with the Stewart’s Lagan army at Clones, the place of a previous victory over O’Neill and his army of Ulster. He had also arranged to meet his permanent Cavalry Commander, George Monroe with a settler army from Coleraine at Glaslough on the Tyrone/ Monaghan border. Monroe was supremely confident but he wanted to keep the Irish army in front of him. At the time of his departure they were in Co Cavan. He feared leaving his own bases unprotected and at the mercy of O’Neill whilst he conducted a campaign in the South. When he obtained intelligence that the Irish had mobilised and were advancing towards Charlemont, which had been previously impregnable, he began a series of forced marches to try and head off O’Neill before he crossed the Blackwater river. This strategy which failed, as O’Neill had camped at Benburb on the Tyrone side of the river at least a day before Monroe expected and he was then behind Monroe with Charlemont at his back. Furthermore, the period of forced marches had disrupted the planed rendezvous times and Monroe’s main army was now well ahead of the other supporting forces. The other critical factor was that Monroe’s men were fatigued from the forced marches which they were not prepared for. Monroe was surprised that the Irish army were standing their ground for a fight, as he had expected them to run and so he decided to delay his advance Southwards, to cross the Blackwater river and deal with the Irish immediately before he moved South.
Inscription on Captain Hamilton’s Headstone
Owen Roe had picked and prepared his battle site well. He was also a master of innovative military strategy and had set up on a hill with the impenetrable Blackwater to his right. Monroe fired on the Irish positions until he ran out of ammunition, doing little damage due to the topography of the ground. He then sent in the previously invincible Scottish cavalry but not under their regular commander, George Monroe, but under his adopted son-in-law Lord Ards, a young inexperienced hot head. They failed to break the now well trained musket and pike formation of the Irish and were hampered by well chosen unsuitable ground. On their retreat, because of the necessarily restricted area of the chosen battle site, they ran through their infantry causing confusion and chaos. With the arrival of the Irish cavalry the artillery was overrun and captured. The Irish then advanced and with “push of pike” and musket volleys turned the covenanters’ army with their backs to the river and proceeded to slaughter them. Monroe and his protective troop of cavalry fled followed by the English officers. The combined British force lost between 2000 and 3000 men killed or captured many drowned and many in the pursuit. They also lost a huge amount of stores and weapons including artillery. The Irish casualties were low, approximately 300. This was the first time that the Irish had won a major head-to-head battle against the British in the field and it was celebrated throughout Catholic Europe. The Scottish Covenanter army were no longer a threat but due to the political decisions made in Kilkenny, Owen Roe did not follow up his victory but was ordered to move South by Rinuccini and the Confederation and the greatest victory of the war was subsequently wasted.
Posted by Jim on June 4, 2017
By Jim Gibney (for Irish News)
As John Finucane approached the podium at the launch of his election
campaign he momentarily stalled, took a deep, deep breath and looked
heavenwards.
It was a special moment in his and his family’s life; for Sinn Fein and
the people of North Belfast – a community which had endured much, much
hurt in the conflict.
Just like John’s family, whose father Pat was cruelly killed by
loyalists, a few hundred yards away from where he spoke in the Lansdowne
Court Hotel.
That awful day his and his family’s life changed forever.
His life was about to change again in a good, and yet, in unforeseen
ways as a novice contender.
His mother Geraldine and his family looked on with pride at this new
departure in their lives. On public occasions John was never too far
away from his mother’s side as she campaigned tirelessly and with
dignity for the truth about the killing of her husband and the father of
her children. And now she stood with him.
John’s candidature was swift and unforeseen. But it carried with it so
much significance. He is part of the new republican generation:
profoundly hurt by the conflict but equally profoundly knows the
benefits of peace.
A member of a party in transition and a struggle in transition trying to
be elected for a constituency in transition.
He is a member of a party which values continuity not just of ideas but
of people. Hence the experienced and valuable presence of Gerry Kelly
and Caral Ni Chulin – the area’s formidable and long-standing duo.
It is one tough battle for Sinn Fein to take North Belfast. But the
winds of change are swirling through the area.
A majority voted against the direction of its DUP MP, Nigel Dodd’s,
twice in less than a year.
The people rejected his advice and a majority voted to remain in the EU.
In the assembly election three nationalists to two unionists were
elected resulting in the defeat of Nelson McCausland.
Nationalists have come to appreciate the power and value of their vote.
They joined unionists and others to produce a majority in the north in
favour of remaining in the EU.
With others they also ended unionist majority rule in the assembly for
the first time in almost one hundred years.
It is this momentum John Finucane is tapping into.
It is this momentum, especially the anti-Brexit mood that Naomi Long is
also tapping into in East Belfast to try to win the seat from the
pro-Brexit DUP.
The same momentum is in place in South Down which saw Sinn Fein lead the
SDLP by 6,650 votes in the Assembly election and in Fermanagh and South
Tyrone where Sinn Fein outpolled the SDLP by 16,874 and in Foyle – long
the citadel of the SDLP, where Sinn Fein are ahead of the party by 2,162
votes.
The story in South Belfast is similar in terms of the growth of the Sinn
Fein vote set against the declining SDLP vote.
But the contest there is much more difficult to predict. The seat is
held by the SDLP and less than 1,400 votes separate all the contestants.
The big concern for nationalists is to ensure the ultra-Brexit DUP do
not take the seat. It is a fascinating battle. Will nationalists act as
a group to hold the seat for nationalists?
The judgement, and it is the finest to be made in all of the
constituencies is, who is best placed to hold the seat: the SDLP or Sinn
Fein?
The combined anti-Brexit vote is 31,000. The combined pro-Brexit vote is
10,000.
The anti-Brexiteers have a lot of soul-searching to do before June 8.
Soul-searching too south of the invisible border as the Fine Gael party
also go to the polls to consider its replacement for Taoiseach Enda
Kenny who resigned last week.
I thought it of singular interest that in all the media commentary about
his achievements the north was not mentioned once.
He was 13 years as Taoiseach. It says a lot about the importance of the
north for the Dublin establishment.
But the new Taoiseach will be from a new generation and just like the
new generation of republicans, like John Finucane, he inherits a
peaceful country.
And the north needs to be his number one priority.
Posted by Jim on
In a move which has brought the two nationalist parties in the North
closer than ever politically, the SDLP is backing calls for a border
poll on Irish reunification.
The leader of the SDLP, Colum Eastwood, said a poll on a united Ireland
within the Six Counties should be called after the Brexit negotiations
are concluded.
Launching his party’s Westminster election manifesto in Belfast on
Tuesday, Colum Eastwood said a referendum on Irish unity would “need to
happen after Brexit”.
He did not give a specific date for the vote, but suggested it should
take place when the negotiations on taking Britain out of the European
Union are completed.
Previously the party had said the time ‘wasn’t right’ for the move,
which was advocated by Sinn Fein before the outcome of the Brexit
referendum brought new momentum to the campaign.
Mr Eastwood said the SDLP would campaign on creating an “Ireland based
on reconciliation and working together”.
He referred to how the British government accepted that, in the event of
a vote for unity, the Six Counties would rejoin the EU. Mr Eastwood
claimed that it was pressure from Foyle MP Mark Durkan which convinced
the British Brexit secretary David Davis to accept that the North of
Ireland was “the only place in these islands with an automatic path back
into the EU as a result of the principle of consent and the Good Friday
Agreement”.
“While others were waving banners, the SDLP made the prospect of a
successful unity referendum much more possible because a Border poll is
no longer solely the project of Irish nationalism but of pro-European
internationalism,” he declared.
“We think there’s now a route for actually winning a border poll,” he
said. “In terms of timescale, I think it would need to happen after
Brexit when we see the dust settling.”
The two parties’ varying approach to the parliaments in London and
Dublin is now the only difference between them on the major
constitutional questions. The SDLP does not contest elections in the 26
Counties, while Sinn Fein MPs refuse to take their seats at Westminster.
The SDLP leader again defended the position of his party’s MPs, who must
pledge their allegiance to the British Crown before they can take their
seats and salaries at Westminster. Mr Eastwood criticised Sinn Fein for
refusing to take its seats in the House of Commons, particularly at a
time when he said there was real prospect of a hung British parliament.
He said the political calculus of the Westminster election was simple:
“A DUP seat will only add to Tory numbers – a Sinn Fein seat won’t even
get counted.”
The SDLP is struggling to hold on to its three seats held by three
former leaders, Alasdair McDonnell in South Belfast, Mark Durkan in
Foyle and Margaret Ritchie in South Down. It is under pressure from Sinn
Fein in Foyle and South Down, and from the DUP in South Belfast.
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams welcomed the SDLP’s change in stance in
favour of an Irish Unity referendum.
“Sinn Fein have called for such a vote to be held within the next five
years,” he said. “All parties that claim to support Irish Unity,
including Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, and Labour, should now make the call
for referendums North and South in line with the provisions of the Good
Friday Agreement.
“The imposition of Brexit underlines the undemocratic nature of
partition and its impact on citizens, the economy, and public services.
A Unity Referendum is an opportunity for the people to have their say
and to build a new, united, and agreed Ireland.
“So, parties should support the call and make the case for unity.”
However, launching the Conservatives’ ‘Northern Ireland’ manifesto,
British Direct Ruler James Brokenshire again declared the conditions for
calling a Border poll on unification were “not remotely satisfied”.
“I remain satisfied on the basis of all reliable indicators of the
continued support for the devolved administration, the principles and
the structures and institutions that are underpinned within the Belfast
Agreement (1998) and its successors, and I am very clear that the
requirements for a border poll are not remotely satisfied,” he said.