Posted by Jim on June 27, 2017
By John Mulgrew
June 24 2014
A loyalist march has been granted permission to march along a section of the Garvaghy Road in Portadown for the first time in almost two decades.
The Parades Commission gave the go ahead for bands to march along the lower section of the predominately nationalist area on Saturday evening.
Two bands are due to take part in the march, including the Portadown True Blues Flute Band and Hillhaven Flute Band.
The application was made by the Parkmount Arch Committee.
Around 200 people are due to take part.
The march will pass by along a section of the road close to the town centre on Saturday.
Concerned nationalist residents are due to meet the commission on Tuesday morning, according to the Irish News.
Now the commission has said it has received “fresh information” from residents and is to review the decision.
‘Garvaghy Road’ parade is reviewed after outcry
“Following the issuing of its determination regarding a proposed parade organised by the Parkmount Arch Committee on Saturday, June 28, in Portadown, the Parades Commission has received a request to review its decision,” a spokesman said.
“The commission has concluded that this request contains fresh information and, in line with procedure, will meet today (Tuesday) to review its original determination.
“The Parades Commission cannot comment on details relating to a decision currently under review.”
The stretch of road in Portadown has been at the centre of Northern Ireland’s parading disputes – with the Drumcree crisis having flared for years in the town.
The Orange Order has been banned from parading along the nationalist stretch since 1998.
In its determination, the Parades Commission said the march “is notified to take place partly in the lower Garvaghy Road area of Portadown”.
“Parades in this area from Protestant/loyalist/unionist tradition have in the past been the focus of serious tension and disorder,” it said.
“The Commission recognises that, although there has been a reduction in these tensions in recent years, there continues to be a strain on community relations in this area.”
The latest decision comes as signs for a peaceful marching season looked increasingly positive in Belfast, after a contentious parade passed off without trouble earlier this month.
The Tour of the North had in the past been marred with violent clashes between nationalist protesters and unionist band members and supporters.
Branches of the loyal orders gathered at Carlisle Circus before passing through Donegall Street and continuing their route.
Last year, a number of arrests were made during and after the parade, while there was also a controversial incident when Sinn Fein MLA Gerry Kelly was driven a short distance while clinging to a police Land Rover.
Posted by Jim on
by JOHN MANLEY Irish News
27 June, 2017 01:00
May shakes magic money tree for Foster but no wand is waved to save Stormont
Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams reacts to the Tory-DUP deal
The north’s roads, schools and health service look set to benefit to the tune of £1 billion after the DUP finally struck a deal to prop up the Tories’ minority government.
But a “coordination committee” convened by the DUP and the Tories will decide how the money is spent in Northern Ireland if the Stormont talks fail.
Sinn Féin will be excluded from the decision making unless the executive is restored.
Talks at Stormont continued yesterday after Arlene Foster returned from London where she signed off on a deal with the Conservatives.
After 16 days of negotiations, DUP Westminster whip Jeffrey Donalson and his Conservative counterpart Gavin Williamson yesterday signed the ‘confidence and supply’ agreement which will see Arlene Foster’s party support support Theresa May’s government in key votes.
The deal means the DUP’s ten MPs will vote with the Conservatives on the queen’s speech and the budget, alongside legislation relating to Brexit and national security.
In exchange, the Tories have pledged around £1 billion to the regional coffers to be spent on infrastructure, health and eduction with enhanced flexibility on almost £500 million of previously allocated cash.
However, the Conservatives have been forced to ditch manifesto pledges to abolish the triple-lock protection for state pensions and means-test the winter fuel payment during this parliament.
Speaking outside Number 10, Mrs May said the two parties “share many values” and the agreement was “a very good one”.
Mrs Foster said: “We’re delighted that we have reached this agreement, which I think works, obviously, for national stability.
“In terms of the Northern Ireland Executive, of course we are determined to see it back in place as soon as possible as well, because we believe we need a strong voice for Northern Ireland when dealing not least with the Brexit issue.”
The key financial components of the deal are:
:: £400m over two years for infrastructure including York Street Interchange;
:: £150m over two years for ultra-fast broadband;
:: £100m over five years to target pockets of severe deprivation;
::£100m over two years to combat pressures in health and education;
:: £200m over two years for health service transformation;
::£50m over five years for mental health;
:: Potential for ‘city deals’ and more ‘enterprise zones’
:: Unspent shared education and shared housing funds can be reallocated.
As well as the financial commitments, the two parties have agreed that they will meet a NATO commitment of spending 2 per cent of GDP on the armed forces and that they will implement the military covenant in Northern Ireland.
But Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn said the deal was “not in the national interest”.
“Austerity has failed,” he said. “Cuts to vital public services must be halted right across the UK, not just in Northern Ireland.”
He said the Tory government needed to spell out where the money for the deal was coming from and whether other parts of the UK would benefit from similar funds.
“This Tory-DUP deal is clearly not in the national interest but in May’s party’s interest to help her cling to power,” he said.
Irish Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Coveney said the content of the deal was “primarily a matter for those two parties”.
He noted that the agreement provided for DUP support for British government legislation on Brexit.
“An enhanced Northern Ireland voice articulating an agreed devolved government position could see more effective and inclusive representation of the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland at Westminster,” he said.
Mr Coveney said that while the policy agreement contained elements that reflected both parties’ “long-held views”, he welcomed the recommitment to the Good Friday Agreement and its successors, as well as British government assurances to govern in the interests of “all parts of the community in Northern Ireland”.
But Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams pledged to “resolutely oppose” any preferential treatment for British soldiers as part of deal.
Mr Adams also claimed the pact between the Conservatives and DUP provided a blank cheque for a Tory Brexit which threatens the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.
“The price of today’s DUP-Tory deal is DUP support for continued Tory austerity and cuts to public services,” he said.
“It provides a blank cheque for a Tory Brexit which threatens the Good Friday Agreement.”
SDLP leader Colum Eastwood said it was now essential that an executive was to prioritise spending areas.
He said the funds needed to be spent fairly across the north.
However, Mr Eastwood was critical of the DUP’s pledge to support the Tories on legislation around its exit from the EU.
“The Tories may have bought the DUP but we will continue to be vocal opponents of the hard Brexit juggernaut that is barrelling down the line,” he said.
“People in Northern Ireland voted to defend our position in Europe, we will not quietly acquiesce to a Tory Brexit.”
Posted by Jim on June 26, 2017
Sinn Fein chairperson Declan Kearney delivered the party’s annual Wolfe
Tone commemoration in Bodenstown last Sunday.
This time 220 years ago Ireland was in the midst of dramatic political
and revolutionary change.
It was described as ‘The time of the Hurry’ in the poem ‘The man from
God knows where’ dedicated to Thomas Russell.
The United Irishmen were the engine of that change.
They took their inspiration from the new democratic and egalitarian
ideals of the American and French revolutions.
They were Republican separatists committed to the promotion of
anti-sectarianism, fraternity and equality.
They forged alliances across Irish society and mounted an unprecedented
military insurgency in every Province.
In my own county the United Irishmen took control of towns like
Randalstown and Ballymena. Local United Irish leaders such as Henry Joy
McCracken, Roddy McCorley and William Orr remain household names to this
day.
Jemmy Hope “The Weaver” from Templepatrick and his farseeing
revolutionary vision became an ideological reference point for Fintan
Lawlor and later generations of Irish Revolutionaries.
These and others personified the central tenet of emergent Irish
Republicanism – the unity of Protestant, Catholic and dissenter.
Wolfe Tone famously summarised the United Irish Republican programme:
“To break the connection with England…and to assert the independence of
my country, these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland…
and to substitute the common name of Irishman, in place of Protestant,
Catholic and dissenter, these were my means.”
As modern day Irish Republicans in the tradition of Tone, we are
dedicated to the establishment of a national Republic, built upon
equality, fraternity, unity and reconciliation between all citizens in
Ireland.
Our primary aim is for an agreed, multicultural united Ireland, which
celebrates diversity and equality, and shuns bigotry and discrimination.
Sinn Fein stands against all forms of sectarianism, racism, homophobia,
sexism, and intolerance in society.
Today’s Ireland is one of huge social change and political realignment.
Partition continues to be the central fault line at the heart of Irish
politics and society.
The imposition of the Brexit decision upon the people of the six
counties has now magnified that fault line.
We are clear; Brexit is a by-product of partition and continued British
jurisdiction in the North of our country.
It has now become a catalyst for a new realignment of politics in
Ireland; in relations between this island and Britain: and, it is
redefining politics in the British State and Europe itself.
Irish Unity has become central to the political discourse.
Next Saturday in Belfast at the Waterfront our party will host a major
national conference on Irish Unity to build on that discussion.
Many citizens are now looking beyond the Brexit fall out and towards new
constitutional and political opportunities.
In the North, greater numbers of ordinary people are now more engaged
with politics.
Young people have become increasingly politicised.
All that is reflected in the Assembly and General election results in
March and just last week.
The election of 27 Sinn Fein MLA’s and 7 MPs with 239,000 votes is an
historic high in electoral support for our party, and for progressive
politics.
I want to thank every activist and supporter and all their families who
contributed to these spectacular achievements; and also to all of our
voters.
There is a building momentum for Irish Unity and in support of
anti-unionist and progressive politics.
There is also a new, popular expectation of real, and substantial
political change.
The people of the North have spoken.
Sinn Fein respects the mandate secured by the DUP.
But make no mistake Sinn Fein’s electoral mandate is a vindication of
our pledge that there will be no return to the status quo: and I repeat;
no citizen or section of society will be put to the back of the bus
again.
In 1967 our parents and grandparents and others in this gathering set
out to demand civil rights in the North. They were beaten and shot off
the streets.
Fifty years later an equality revolution is happening in the six
counties and it is being led by young people.
Agus ta siad tiomanta agus diongbhailte. Ta siad dearg le fearg agus ta
muid go leir dearg le fearg.
For the first time since partition electoral support for political
unionism has fallen below 50%.
These are the new realities.
And this is the new context for the current round of political talks.
Let us be clear – the political crisis in the North can be resolved.
The political institutions can be re-established.
However, that means the DUP and British government need to get the
message – which they have ignored since Martin McGuinness’ resignation
on 9th January.
So I will spell it out.
The equality and rights agenda is not negotiable.
Agreements previously made on equality, rights, parity of esteem and
legacy must be implemented.
The Good Friday Agreement cannot be unpicked.
The political institutions must not be misused to advance
institutionalised bigotry.
Continued refusal by the DUP and British government to accept these
fundamental positions will create only one outcome: a future of
permanent political instability.
The DUP have spent the last week in talks with the British Government
trying to strike a deal which will keep the Tories in power.
As with Brexit, any deal with Tories will be bad for the economy, public
services and for citizens.
This Tory government cares as little for working-class unionists as it
does for working-class republicans.
Working-class unionists did not vote for Tories.
The DUP leadership know that. They know the north is of no consequence
in Westminster.
Even Edward Carson recognised this nearly 100 years ago. He said:
“What a fool I was… in the political game that was to get the
Conservative party into power.”
The central fact is the political process in the North remains
overshadowed by financial scandals.
That is why Sinn Fein stood the DUP leader down from her position last
January.
The focus on her future role in an Executive is completely misdirected
and premature.
That discussion will only arise when there is an acceptable
implementation plan to restore public confidence in the political
process and ensures that the institutions will work on the basis of
proper power sharing, equality, respect and integrity.
This is a serious situation, which demands a serious focus by all
parties.
It is not a game, and it is certainly not a dance.
If the DUP really wants to go into the Executive, that party needs to
decide whether it is now prepared to embrace a rights-based approach to
government in the North.
Instead of pretending that a crisis does not really exist, the DUP
should get with the programme.
If the DUP imagines it can wind back the clock, with a Tory side deal or
not, and reestablish the institutions without adherence to equality and
rights, then the DUP is indeed living in a fool’s paradise.
As for the two governments, instead of talking up the prospect of a
successful outcome to these talks, they and the DUP should reread Martin
McGuinness’ resignation letter on the 9th January.
It sets out exactly what is required to restore public confidence, and
to create the conditions for proper government in the North.
We don’t need optical illusions; we expect change!
The new Irish government now carries a huge responsibility.
The failure of the last Irish government to fulfil its obligations as a
co-guarantor for the Good Friday Agreement is a national scandal.
This dereliction of political leadership must end.
The new Taoiseach and his administration should now publicly
disassociate itself from the pro-unionist, partisan position of the
British government.
This Irish government should bring forward a comprehensive plan for
Irish reunification, including:
– A joint Oireachtas committee on preparing for Irish unity;
– A government White Paper on national reunification;
– And, specific proposals for a unity referendum on the island.
This month 40 years ago and here at Tone’s grave our comrade Jimmy Drumm
correctly observed that the achievement of national and social
liberation relied upon the development of a popular progressive movement
for change throughout Ireland.
Today we live in an Ireland of endemic financial scandal, political
corruption, gombeen elites, discrimination and sectarianism.
The strategic position articulated by Jimmy Drumm in 1977 is now more
relevant than ever.
The austerity programmes imposed by Fine Gael and the British Tories
have entrenched social inequality, both North and South.
None of our children should have to live in fear from poverty or
austerity; inequality or discrimination; or from intolerance or
sectarianism.
Social inequality is the antithesis of values enshrined in the 1916
Proclamation and the democratic programme of 1919.
Every Irish citizen is entitled to a home, an education, comprehensive
health care free at the point of delivery, and, equal pay for equal
work.
Instead social inequality, political corruption and financial scandal
have become bywords for public policy under Fine Gael.
The new Taoiseach seems determined to take his government further to the
right.
If that is his intention, then he should call a general election now,
and let the people cast its verdict on that political programme.
In those circumstances Sinn Fein will go forward with our progressive
political agenda.
We know where we stand, and it’s not with the gombeen men, the crooks,
or fat cats.
To paraphrase Tone Sinn Fein stands with:
“That numerous and respectable class of the community, the men of no
property.”
Irish unity has never been more achievable.
But that goal is only inevitable when Republicans successfully persuade
sufficient numbers of our people that an agreed, united Ireland will
serve their interests.
The refusal of significant sections of political unionism to embrace a
shared future, and divisions caused by deep-seated sectarianism, create
enormous challenges for Republicans.
Yet despite that, we must continue to show generosity of spirit, and
reassurance to our unionist neighbours in the North.
As agents of change it is up to us to reach into the wider unionist
constituency.
As republicans in the United Irish tradition we have to demonstrate how
their rights, traditions, and identity will be accommodated in a new
constitutional framework of an agreed Ireland.
It is for us to convince them that it is far better for Irish unionists
to exert their influence over a progressive Ireland, instead of being
reduced to stage props for a right-wing British Tory government.
Sinn Fein’s policies on reconciliation and anti-sectarianism represent
genuine contributions towards the development of reconciliation between
Republicans and unionists, within Irish society, and, between Ireland
and Britain.
These need to be internalised and mainstreamed within our political
work, both North and South.
Our generation of Republicans are history makers.
Martin McGuinness ata anois ar shli na firinne, and whom we greatly miss
here today, as well as others in our leadership, have brought us to this
point.
Now it is for the rest of us to finish that work.
We must become the nation builders.
We must continue the transformation of Irish society.
Meeting these responsibilities requires a step change in our party.
We need to be always strategically focused, cohesive, flexible and
creative.
Let us be clear: building popular support and political strength is not
a plan for opposition.
Our political strategy is a road map for governmental power.
So that means Sinn Fein being in government North and South.
This is our road map to achieving national democracy and a united
Ireland.
But being in government is not a vanity contest.
This party is not interested in acting as a prop for the status quo
North or South.
Political institutions are not ends in themselves: they should be made
to work as the means to make positive change.
And of course, we must avoid being defined by the nature of the
political institutions.
Sinn Fein participation in the Dail, Assembly, all-Ireland institutions
and European Parliament must be at the heart of a broader momentum for
political and social change in Ireland.
If change is to be people centred, then change must be driven by the
people.
A popular democratic movement for transformation needs to be developed
across Ireland.
That is a progressive coalition of political, civic, community, cultural
and labour activists united in support of economic democracy,
sustainable public services, equality, rights, and the welfare of
citizens.
These are the means of modern Republicans today.
Ireland is in transition. Our party is in transition.
The process of leadership succession has already commenced.
We have begun to implement a ten-year plan to regenerate our party with
more youth and women; and enhanced skills and capacity.
Mar sin, mas cearta, cothromas agus Poblacht ata uaibh – na habraigi e
– eagraigi, togaigi, agus deanaigi e.
Bigi linne.
If you want equality and rights – if you want fairness in Irish society:
If you really want a Republic – then just don’t vote Sinn Fein:
Join Sinn Fein – and get your family and friends to do the same.
We continue to take our inspiration from Tone.
This afternoon in Bodenstown we stand resolute in the tradition of Henry
Joy McCracken, William Orr, Roddy McCorley, Jemmy Hope, Betsy Gray and
Mary-Anne McCracken.
Now let us go forward reenergised and confident, to mobilise and
organise, and to achieve national independence and Irish Unity.
Posted by Jim on
English royals Elizabeth and Charles Windsor have delivered the
legislative agenda of the presumptive minority government in London for
the next two years which revolves around its uncertain plans to
withdraw from the European Parliament.
In an apparent sign of recognition that she must seek a broad consensus
for any Brexit deal, British PM Theresa May said getting EU withdrawal
right will mean securing “a deal which delivers the result of last
year’s referendum and does so in a way that commands maximum public
support”.
Doubts continue over whether May, who lost her parliamentary majority
in this month’s snap general election, will be able to win support of
the parliament to get her legislative programme through Westminster,
even with the likely support of the Democratic Unionist Party.
In a press conference with 26 County Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, May again
repeated her suggestion that the border through Ireland should be
“frictionless and seamless” as possible to recognise “the unique
economic, social and political context of the land border with Ireland
which so many people pass through every day”.
Reciprocal rights of citizens in both countries should continue, she
said, “including the rights guaranteed under the Belfast Agreement”.
Sinn Fein MP Chris Hazzard condemned the Tory government’s approach to
Brexit which he said had been a “shambles from day one”, while SDLP
leader Colim Eastwood warned May had voiced “soundbites but no
substance”.
Speaking at the same press conference, Varadkar said that Ireland was
“saddened” by the Brexit decision, but had to respect it. It was now a
question of ensuring the least disruptive arrangement for both
countries, he said.
He pointed to two “two particular things” his government wanted to
focus on: these were the reciprocity of civic rights that exist between
Britain and Ireland — the Common Travel Area — and an “invisible
border”, with the best possible deal on trade.
SPECIAL STATUS?
On Thursday, Sinn Fein welcomed a stronger line by Dublin’s new Foreign
Affairs Minister Simon Coveney who said that his government would seek
‘special status’ for the North of Ireland after Brexit.
Speaking at the launch of a Brexit report from the Dublin parliament’s
Good Friday Agreement Committee, he dismissed ‘language coming from
London’ that technology alone could bypass the need for border posts.
He said it would be very helpful to have an ‘all island’ approach to
dealing with Brexit, as it would provide clarity for the EU
negotiators, and make an impact on the British government’s approach.
“What we are insisting on achieving, is a special status for Northern
Ireland that allows the interaction on this island as is currently the
case to be maintained as close to the current norm as possible,” he
said.
He said that achieving this would require a political solution as well
as a practical and technical one that “doesn’t really have any precedent
in the European Union”.
“We have to respect the territorial integrity of Northern Ireland as
part of the United Kingdom, and we need to find a way through the EU
negotiating team of getting an acceptance from the British Government
and EU partners of a way of doing that which doesn’t compromise the
functioning of the common market, or doesn’t create a back door to
entering the single market,” Mr Coveney added.
The remarks were welcomed by Sinn Fein, but provoked antagonism from
unionists.
“It is a very welcome development that the Dublin government is now
coming onto the ground of special status as the only way to prevent a
hard border in Ireland in the event of Brexit,” Sinn Fein MEP Martina
Anderson said.
“Special status within the EU would also give effect to the democratic
wishes of the majority in the North who voted to remain so Dublin should
join us in making that case.
“Sinn Fein has been lobbying every EU member state on the need for
special status and there is a great deal of empathy with our position.
If the Dublin Government is now also coming on board it will greatly
strengthen our case, particularly in the face of Britain’s increasingly
chaotic Brexit agenda.”
But Ulster Unionist leader Robin Swann described his comments as a
“thinly veiled attempt to break up the Union”.
Coveney quickly sought to distance his position from Sinn Fein’s.
“Others have been campaigning on the basis of using different
terminology and so when similar terminology was used by me some people
took political advantage of that,” he said.
He insisted that a “unique and special solution” needs to be figured
out.
“If part of the island of Ireland is part of the United Kingdom and
leaves (the EU) with Brexit then there are all sorts of consequences of
that in terms of movement and trade and the normalisation of border
activity on both sides of that border.
“We need to find a way of trying to maintain the status quo as best we
can in the context of that very significant change.”
BACK-BURNER
Despite the speeches, both governments indicated they were ready to
postpone the negotiation of the Brexit plan for Ireland.
The “very sensitive” issue of the Irish border might not be resolved
until near the end of the Brexit talks, warned David Davis, Britain’s
Brexit Secretary.
Although the issue dominated the opening day of Brexit negotiations,
Davis said it could take “until the end of the process” to resolve the
issue, because it will be tied in with the trade and customs deals he is
able to strike with Brussels.
He said the border is “a technically difficult issue” but it is one
which was “soluble, although it will probably take us until the end of
the process when we have already decided what our customs and free trade
arrangements are.”
EU’s chief Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier, who was a senior EU
official involved in the peace process, acknowledged that “this is one
of the most sensitive issues before us” and there was an “awful lot of
work to do”.
Speaking on his way into the opening session of Thursday’s European
Council meeting in Brussels, Leo Varadkar also appeared to accept that
Ireland would be dealt with towards the end of the expected two years of
negotiations.
“I would much rather that we have a good deal for Ireland in time, than
one that doesn’t work for us in a shorter time period. And of course
when it comes to issues relating to the border, the border between
Northern Ireland and Ireland, it will be difficult to determine the
final shape of that until we know what the new trade arrangements are
between the United Kingdom and the EU,” he said.