Posted by Jim on September 27, 2014
by Niall O’Dowd, Irish Central
It is still a shock to see the two together, The Clinton decision to grant him a visa to come to the US in February 1994 was a linchpin of the IRA ceasefire and peace process that followed but there were powerful forces who did their very best to stop it.
Clinton has made clear that he considered the Irish peace one of his most important legacies. Is it time for him to step in and save it all over again?
Yes, that is right. Sixteen years after the Good Friday agreement, the Irish peace process is a vessel utterly becalmed and in danger of capsizing.
It may even take the newly minted grandfather, President Clinton to re-engage and work the same magic he did so many times when he was in the White HouseThe gridlock in Northern Ireland politics is deeply worrying. The vacuum in Northern Ireland is the most dangerous state of all with renewed dissident paramilitary activity being reported including training camps and Loyalist unrest simmering.
At the same time new Irish Foreign Minister Charlie Flanagan was in New York receiving the same message that Northern Ireland from the Irish American perspective is seriously slipping back.
Flanagan, former Minister for Children is a thoughtful man and no doubt will understand that while Northern Ireland is seen through the prism of party politics in Ireland, in America the peace process is seen as Ireland’s finest hour and an absolute necessity to maintain. to lose it would be calamitous.
The Fine Gael leadership is alarmed by the rise of Sinn Fein in the south but are they failing to understand that when the issue of Northern Ireland is on the boil they need to act as a government of all the Irish people which has a critical role to play, one that is outside party politics.
A letter is circulating in Irish America on the initiative of both former Congressman Jim Walsh and former Congressman Bruce Morrison who were co-chairs of the Friends of Ireland in Congress calling for a major ramp up on efforts to ensure the process continues. Both men soldiered long and hard to create the American intervention in the peace process which was so successful. There are no greater friends of Ireland. They should be listened to now.
The arrest of Gerry Adams recently has created a new urgency among Irish American leaders, aware at all times that dissident groups still seek to gain a toehold here and they have been redoubling their efforts.
Issues such as the Adams arrest put the future of Northern Ireland not in the hands of the politicians but the shadowy elements in the security forces who still, alas, thrive.
There are deep fears of other such arrests simply because the issue of historical crimes and a truth commission to handle them have not been dealt with.
“Events, dear boy” is what Harold MacMillan said when asked what the most unpredictable issue was that politicians have to deal with.
He is right. The Adams arrest was just one example of how something can quickly spiral out of control.
The way forward seem obvious. The British and Irish and US governments must re-engage. A commission to defuse the historical crimes issue must be appointed. The DUP leader Peter Robinson must do more than become the abominable “no”man which mantle he has assumed. Sinn Fein and DUP need to work together to resolve the outstanding issue of welfare budgets and defuse issues such as flags and symbols and marching seasons.
Most pressing of all the British and Irish governments need to come back to the table and negotiate directly with the parties.
Could the peace be lost? It is a question no one will want to answer i. Remember violence is always lurking if the agreed government fails to function. We are almost at that point.
President Clinton please stand by.
Posted by admin on
The biggest British Army training exercise to be held in the north of
Ireland since before the conflict is being held in the north west next
week. About 500 British soldiers are taking part in areas around County
Derry.
Lieutenant Colonel Matt Monroe, who commands the Royal Scots Borderers,
said it would have been “really difficult to have run this exercise
during Operation Banner [the British army’s operation in Ireland from
August 1969 to July 2007].”
Sinn Fein’s Cathal O hOisin said the British decision to hold large
scale war games in Ireland was a “backward step”.
“We want to see demilitarisation in all its forms, with no exceptions,
and this decision flies in the face of that,” O hOisin said.
The Republican Network for Unity said that the only thing that had
changed in 2007 was the “name and tempo” of the British campaign in
Ireland, now known as Operation Helvetic.
In a statement on their website, they said 5,000 armed British soldiers
remained in Ireland “ready and waiting” to quell any social disruption,
and provide strategic, intelligence and military training to “those on
the front line of British rule in Ireland – the PSNI”.
“The narrative that the people of Ireland were fed in 1998 is in direct
conflict with the reality of the situation,” they said. “We were
informed the British were in a process of withdrawal, that we would have
a complete demilitarisation of the North and the British had no
‘strategic interest’ in the Six Counties. However the so called Lt. Col
Monroe has well and truly put the last nail in the coffin of the
Stormonteers narrative when he asserted: ‘We’re here for the foreseeable
future.'”
Separately, an acclaimed British journalist said this week he believed
that the war in Ireland has indeed been won by the British government
and by unionists.
Filmmaker Peter Taylor, who has written several well-known texts on the
conflict, argued that while the IRA may have played a part in “breaking
the mould of the unionist state”, the union is today secure, while the
Provisional IRA is no more.
“The unimaginable has already happened with Martin McGuinness up there
at Stormont as deputy first minister and dining with the queen,” he
said. His new documentary, ‘Who Won the War?’, is to be broadcast this
week.
Posted by Jim on September 26, 2014
Bernard Mulholland (August 22) proclaims we have a ‘perfectly good Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont that can adequately govern NI within the EU’. Really? The track record of that Assembly, as reported on umpteen occasions in this very paper, demonstrates conclusively otherwise. The six-counties is clearly a failed political entity in a permanent state of crisis and all efforts to prop it up are destined to founder on the zero-sum intransigence that is a constant feature of politics in an illegitimate statelet of this type.
The idea of the six-counties remaining under the undemocratic control of Westminster rather than re-uniting with its own hinterland makes less and less sense in a fluid, rapidly changing situation but beyond that Bernard’s notion of an ‘independent Northern Ireland’ is utterly ludicrous. Leaving aside the poisonous sectarianism that would inevitably cripple ANY six-county political system, the north is not in a position to stand on its own in a manner say as that proposed for Scotland, not even remotely. But if we were to re-join the rest of our country and achieve a real measure of independence a new situation would emerge.
His notion the European Parliament would dare challenge the British sovereign claim is fanciful in the extreme but shifting the problem to Europe will not in itself change a thing regardless, the reason being it would still ignore the democratic will of the Irish people. Talk of the six-counties having a right to self-determination is simply a way to circumvent that will and another way of saying Britain and Unionism should be allowed to dictate the parameters of Irish democracy and must first agree to Irish reunification.
But why should that be the case and why should a small minority be granted veto power over the vast majority? Protection for minorities is one thing and to be encouraged but this is something entirely different and basically an attempt to reason away the historical context of how we arrived at this point to begin with. Those who argue the virtues of such a position willingly submit the democratic rights of the Irish people to an occupying power and it’s schemes to subvert genuine self-determination in order to control our country.
No matter the passage of time the historical fact remains Britain has occupied Ireland, in whole or in part, for centuries and has done so against the express wishes of the people who live here. You can’t get around that simply by ignoring it or moving the goal-posts. Irish Unity, as the only truly democratic model, needs examined at this point, despite the refusal of naysayers like Bernard to countenance such an arrangement under any circumstances. It’s time for fresh thinking if Ireland is to progress, either that or remain stuck in the time-warp that passes for politics in our still-partitioned land.
Posted by Jim on September 19, 2014
Scotland is to remain under London rule after voters rejected
Thursday’s independence referendum by 55 per cent to 45 per cent.
With all of the 32 constituencies now declared, the Yes side has
1,617,989 votes and the No side 2,001,926. No wins by 55.3% to 44.7%
Turnout was close to 90 per cent in some areas.
Speaking as counting was concluding this morning, British prime minister
David Cameron warned pro-independence campaigners to cease their
activity and claimed the Scottish independence debate had been “settled
for a generation”.
He claimed there would be “no re-runs, no disputes” and now was time
“for our United Kingdom to come together and to move forward”.
Speaking on the steps of Downing Street, Mr Cameron said promises of
Scottish Home Rule made late in the campaign would be kept, but did not
say when. Those promises appeared to have a sharp effect on the final
outcome, with the ‘Yes’ campaign falling away from an overall majority
in the final days.
The strength of the ‘Yes’ campaign had forced the British establishment
into a ‘carrot and stick’ approach to Scottish voters, with promises of
devolution issued alongside warnings of harsh economic measures against
an independent Scotland.
Cameron spoke of complicated legislation and a need for “fairness” for
the English, the Welsh and the Northern Irish.
The result was confirmed shortly before 7am when the head of the No
campaign, Alistair Darling, said “the silent had spoken”.
An hour earlier, Scottish Nationalist Party leader Alex Salmond appeared
on a stage in Edinburgh amid international acclaim for his efforts in
advancing Scotland’s cause. He indicated he would continue to campaign
for independence. and hinted the Edinburgh assembly might seek another
referendum in the years ahead.
He also insisted that the pledges of greater self-government be
delivered by the Westminster parliament within months.
“Scotland will expect these to be honoured in rapid course – as a
reminder, we have been promised a second reading of a Scotland Bill by
March 27th next year,” he said.
“Not just the 1.6 million Scots who voted for independence will demand
that timetable is followed but all Scots who participated in this
referendum will demand that timetable is followed,” he said.
“Whatever else we can say about this referendum campaign, we have
touched sections of the community who have never before been touched by
politics, these sections of the community have touched us and touched
the political process.
“I don’t think that will ever be allowed to go back to business as usual
in politics again.”
In a rallying call, Mr Salmond urged the ‘Yes’ voters to reflect on how
far they had come.
“I don’t think any of us, whenever we entered politics, would have
thought such a thing to be either credible or possible,” he said.
“Today of all days as we bring Scotland together, let us not dwell on
the distance we have fallen short, let us dwell on the distance we have
travelled and have confidence the movement is abroad in Scotland that
will take this nation forward and we shall go forward as one nation.”
The following is the full count result:
Council Electorate Yes No
Aberdeen City 175,745 41.39% 58.61%
Aberdeenshire 206,486 39.64% 60.36%
Angus 93,551 43.68% 56.32%
Argyll & Bute 72,002 41.48% 58.52%
Clackmannanshire 39,972 46.20% 53.80%
C. nan Eilean Siar 22,908 46.58% 53.42%
Dumfries/Galloway 122,036 34.33% 65.67%
Dundee City 118,729 57.35% 42.65%
East Ayrshire 99,664 47.22% 52.78%
E. Dunbartonshire 86,836 38.80% 61.20%
East Lothian 81,945 38.28% 61.72%
East Renfrewshire 72,981 36.81% 63.19%
Edinburgh 378,012 38.90% 61.10%
Falkirk 122,457 46.53% 53.47%
Fife 302,165 44.95% 55.05%
Glasgow 486,219 53.49% 46.51%
Highland 190,778 47.08% 52.92%
Inverclyde 62,481 49.92% 50.08%
Midlothian 69,617 43.70% 56.30%
Moray 75,170 42.44% 57.56%
North Ayrshire 113,923 48.99% 51.01%
North Lanarkshire 268,704 51.07% 48.93%
Orkney Islands 17,806 32.80% 67.20%
Perth & Kinross 120,015 39.81% 60.19%
Renfrewshire 134,735 47.19% 52.81%
Scottish Borders 95,533 33.44% 66.56%
Shetland Islands 18,516 36.29% 63.71%
South Ayrshire 94,881 42.13% 57.87%
South Lanarkshire 261,157 45.33% 54.67%
Stirling 69,033 40.23% 59.77%
W. Dunbartonshire 71,109 53.96% 46.04%
West Lothian 138,226 44.82% 55.18%
Posted by Jim on September 17, 2014
I haven’t been in this much hot water since I made the comment, right after I arrived as your archbishop five-and-a-half years ago, that Stan Musial—my boyhood hero of my hometown St. Louis Cardinals—was a much better ballplayer than Joe DiMaggio!
Now I’m getting as much fiery mail and public criticism over my decision to accept the honor of Grand Marshal of this year’s St. Patrick’s Day Parade. According to the critics, I should have refused, due to the Parade Committee’s decision to allow a group of self-identified Gays of Irish ancestry to march in the parade with their own banner.
As with Stan Musial, I’ll stand by my decision. However, enough of you have courteously expressed some confusion and dismay, that, as your pastor, I owe you an explanation. Let me try.
For one, the decision to change the parade protocol was not mine. The archbishops of New York have never been “in charge” of the parade. Although my predecessors and I have always enjoyed friendly cooperation with the Parade Committee—and still do—and deeply appreciate the identity of the Parade as a celebration purely of Irish heritage, intimately linked to the Catholic Faith, we’ve never had a say in Parade policy or the choice of the Grand Marshal. Nor did we expect or want one!
So, in the current “brawl,” (they have been hardly rare in the Parade’s grand 253-year history!), I did not make the decision! You will recall that I in the past often expressed support for the former policy—that the only banners and identification to be carried was that the group was Irish—and that I found it logical and fair. To those who charged that the policy was “anti-Gay,” I often observed that no one person, Gay or not, was excluded from the parade. This was simply a reasonable policy about banners and public identification, not about the sexual inclinations of participants.
I did not oppose the former policy; nor did I push, condone, or oppose the new one. While the Parade committee was considerate in advising me of the change, they did not ask my approval, nor did they need to.
However, I admit that, for most folks, this is not the reason they are upset with me, and this brings us to point two. Many of you, while acknowledging that the decision to change policy was not mine, feel strongly that I should protest it, publicly condemn it, no longer support the Parade, and refuse the invitation to serve as Grand Marshal.
While a handful have been less than charitable in their reactions, I must admit that many of you have rather thoughtful reasons for criticizing the committee’s decision: you observe that the former policy was fair; you worry that this is but another example of a capitulation to an “aggressive Gay agenda,” which still will not appease their demands; and you wonder if this could make people think the Church no longer has a clear teaching on the nature of human sexuality.
Thank you for letting me know of such concerns. I share some of them.
However, the most important question I had to ask myself was this: does the new policy violate Catholic faith or morals? If it does, then the Committee has compromised the integrity of the Parade, and I must object and refuse to participate or support it.
From my review, it does not. Catholic teaching is clear: “being Gay” is not a sin, nor contrary to God’s revealed morals. Homosexual actions are—as are any sexual relations outside of the lifelong, faithful, loving, lifegiving bond of a man and woman in marriage—a moral teaching grounded in the Bible, reflected in nature, and faithfully taught by the Church.
So, while actions are immoral, identity is not! In fact, as the Catechism of the Catholic Church reminds us, people with same-sex attraction are God’s children, deserving dignity and respect, never to be treated with discrimination or injustice.
To the point: the committee’s decision allows a group to publicize its identity, not promote actions contrary to the values of the Church that are such an essential part of Irish culture. I have been assured that the new group marching is not promoting an agenda contrary to Church teaching, but simply identifying themselves as “Gay people of Irish ancestry.”
If the Parade Committee allowed a group to publicize its advocacy of any actions contrary to Church teaching, I’d object. As Cardinal John O’Connor remarked, we do not change the Creed—and I’d add, the Ten Commandments—to satisfy political correctness.
In fact, the leaders of the Parade Committee tried to be admirably sensitive to Church teaching. They worried that the former policy was being interpreted as bias, exclusion, and discrimination against a group in our city, which, if true, would also be contrary to Church teaching. While they were quick to acknowledge that, in reality, the policy was not unfair at all, they were also realistic in worrying that the public perception was the opposite, no matter how often they tried to explain its coherence and fairness.
I found their sensitivity wise, and publicly said so.
If, in doing so, I have shown an insensitivity to you, I apologize.
I share the hope of the organizers that the March 17th parade will be loyal to its proud heritage of celebrating Irish identity, culture, and contributions—all a beautiful part of Catholicism— thus bringing this great community together in unity and festivity, and look forward to leading it as Grand Marshal.