Posted by Jim on December 20, 2016
A member of the Legacy Investigations Branch (LIB) of the PSNI police
in the north of Ireland has been accused of being a covert member of
British military intelligence.
In a statement, Saoradh said Neil McGuinness, a member of the unit which
take over from the Historical Enquiries team in recent years, had
attempted to recruit one of their members as an informer.
In 2014, Belfast Republican Dominic Corr and a friend were making their
way home to Belfast from Glasgow. As they made their way through the
airport, Dominic was accosted by two individuals who identified
themselves as British ‘Security Services’, and led him to a screening
room.
Once in the room, they made it known that they were aware of his
political outlook and his fundraising activities for the IRPWA while in
Scotland and stated that this wasn’t a “bad thing”.
“They were quite clearly intent on recruiting him, yet refused to say
who they really represented,” Saoradh said. “Dominic, being a long
standing republican, refused to engage and once it was clarified that he
wasn’t under arrest, demanded to be released from the locked room and
left. On return to Ireland, Dominic made the incident public by logging
the incident with his legal team,” adding: “One of the agents from
British intelligence that failed to recruit Dominic Corr was Neil
McGuinness.”
McGuinness is a prominent figure within the LIB, recently appearing in
the media in relation to the exhumation of British Army murder victim
Daniel Rooney. Although a unit of the PSNI, the LIB presents itself as
independent arbitrator for those seeking justice and closure regarding
state killings of their family members.
McGuinness’s alleged identification as an MI5 agent has been seen as
vindication of the belief that, rather than seeking to resolve past
killings, British forces continue to be engaged in a systematic cover-up
of their war crimes in Ireland
“Saoradh hereby call upon McGuinness to publicly confirm the various
roles he has played within the British Crown Forces – including any
overt or covert role within British intelligence,” they said.
Saoradh have initiated a Freedom of Information request in relation to
this issue
“The Crown Forces, namely the PSNI, MI5, and the British Army, are still
engaged in a campaign of counter insurgency in the north of Ireland, it
is therefore imperative for these forces that this current campaign is
not undermined by the revelation of their murderous past; hence this
exercise in white wash and micro management of the so called legacy
issues.”
They also backed calls for an Independent Investigatory Team, with full
access to British Government classified policy documents and evidence:
“Britain perpetuates the conflict in Ireland and any investigation
initiated or conducted by them will serve only Britain’s interests
rather than those of victims, families and communities affected by their
overt slaughter and continued covert activities in Ireland.”
Posted by Jim on
A motion of no confidence in First Minister Arlene Foster was vetoed by
the Democratic Unionist Party today, but not before other parties in the
Stormont Assembly staged a theatrical walk-out from a chamber in which
they are powerless to effect political change without DUP support.
Despite a majority of Assembly members, 39 to 36, voting to exclude her
as First Minister for six months over her handling of the “Renewable
Heat Incentive” (RHI) scheme — popularly known as ‘cash for ash’ —
Foster is to remain in the role.
Under the rules of the devolved legislature, no contested motion can
pass without the support of the DUP, the largest unionist party. However
Sinn Fein, who are DUP’s partners in the devolved government, drew sharp
criticism from the opposition parties when they chose to abstain in any
event.
But a cooling of the normally close relationship between Foster and Sinn
Fein’s Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness was illustrated when
McGuinness insisted she had no authority to make her statement today. As
his and Ms Foster’s office is a joint one, he said her statement did not
have his approval.
There was some procedural wrangling before Foster delivered an
aggressive justification of her handling of a hugely controversial
scheme. Sinn Fein and the opposition parties alike walked out of the
Assembly chamber as Foster began.
“She is speaking in a personal capacity and not in her role as First
Minister,” Mr McGuinness said, and again called for her to stand aside
pending a private judicial investigation of a scheme which became a
feeding frenzy for insiders and cronies.
His protests were dismissed out of hand by Foster. The walkout from the
chamber by Sinn Fein and the opposition parties also had not effect, and
she went on to deliver a self-serving tirade to the cheers of her own
party members, mocking the opposition as “irrelevant and impotent”.
“I am here, I will be staying here,” she said, adding that she was
determined that “this mess” will be cleared up.
The SDLP later said in a statement: “As of this moment, Arlene Foster no
longer enjoys the support of the Assembly as First Minister. The First
Minister lost today’s confidence vote, even in spite of a disappearing
act from Sinn Fein who talked tough but went missing when it counted.”
Sinn Fein described the SDLP motion as “blatant political opportunism”
and said they were bringing their own motion to the Assembly in January.
“The real test for the SDLP is whether they will support our motion
which calls on Arlene Foster to stand aside and the establishment of an
independent investigation which is robust and time-limited and led by a
judicial figure,” they said.
Mr McGuinness warned of “grave consequences” if Ms Foster does not stand
down. Sinn Fein representatives have declined to explain what these
consequences would be, but some suggested it could involve Mr McGuinness
resigning as Deputy First Minister in order to force an Assembly vote to
re-elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister. In such
circumstances, Assembly elections are required to follow. It is thought
Mr McGuinness, who is suffering from poor health and whose reputation
has suffered collateral damage by successive DUP corruption scandals,
may also choose to quit politics at this juncture.
He admitted that what took place at Stormont today as “a shambles”.
“Our institutions should not have to endure another day like this,” he
said. “The RHI scandal is a massive waste of public funds and the issue
will not go away. There is a need to restore public confidence in the
Assembly and the political institutions.”
Independent socialist Eamonn McCann said it was time to call Assembly
elections. “We are in la-la land, please can we have an election.”
Posted by Jim on December 8, 2016
There were angry scenes in the Dublin parliament this afternoon after a
Fine Gael TD named two senior Sinn Fein TDs he said were identified in
an email sent by Gerry Adams to the Garda police commissioner about an
unsanctioned IRA killing in 1983.
Alan Farrell called on the two TDs to “make a statement” regarding the
shooting of 26 County prison official Brian Stack. He interrupted Dail
proceedings after Mr Adams made a personal explanation regarding the
leaked email he sent about the case to Commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan
in February.
Mr Adams has said he sent a list of four names to Ms O’Sullivan, which
he says were provided by the prison warder’s son, Austin, to “remove
any uncertainty or ambiguity” following allegations that he was
withholding information from the police. The full text of his
statement is included below.
But there was uproar after he completed his statement, when Mr Farrell
broke into Dail proceedings with a ‘point of order’ to name the two TDs
as Dublin North West TD Dessie Ellis and Kerry TD Martin Ferris. He
claimed the names were already in the public domain.
Responding in the Dail, Mr Ellis pointed out he was in Portlaoise
prison when Mr Stack was killed, and had been in the USA before that.
He described the implied allegation, made under parliamentary
privilege, as a “disgrace”, and challenged the Fine Gael TD, who is a
solicitor, to repeat the allegation outside pariament.
Mr Ferris said he had met with police in 2013 at their request and had
co-operated fully with them. He said he had no question to answer in
regard to the case and described Farrell’s statement as “disgraceful”
and that he “should be ashamed of himself”.
In his statement earlier, Mr Adams said the case was a “live murder
investigation” and that nothing should be said in the Dail chamber
“which might prejudice this or any future court proceedings”.
He said his email had been put “inappropriately” into the public realm
and then raised twice in the Dail by the Fianna Fail leader Micheal
Martin.
“The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach seem to be unconcerned about
this,” he said.
“Micheal Martin says I named four people who I understood to be
suspects in the murder of Mr Stack. Teachta Martin has misled the Dail.
I never made such a statement. I have never described those named as
suspects.”
He said Sinn Fein had worked consistently to resolve the issues of the
past, concluding: “That is what I have tried to do with my engagement
in 2013 with the Stack family”.
The following is the full text of Mr Adams’s statement.
Let me begin by saying once again that the shooting of Brian Stack was
wrong.
It was a grievous loss for his family and should never have happened.
In the absence of the two governments agreeing to a process to deal
with the past I sought to try and assist the family of Brian Stack to
gain a degree of acknowledgement and closure.
I did so at their request.
What has happened over the last year points up the challenges of this
course of action and the urgent need for a proper legacy process to be
established.
For the record I will again set out the sequence of events and my
efforts to assist the family of Brian Stack.
Austin Stack approached me in 2013 seeking acknowledgment for what
happened to his father.
I met Austin Stack a number of times over the course of the following
months, mostly on my own.
Austin and Oliver Stack made it clear to me personally and said
publicly that they were not looking for people to go to gaol.
They wanted acknowledgement and closure.
There is a note of that initial meeting,
I am releasing that today.
The computer stamp shows that this note was typed into the computer on
May 16th seven days after the first meeting with the family.
Austin Stack spoke of his commitment to restorative justice processes.
I told the Stack brothers that I could only help on the basis of
confidentiality.
This was the same basis on which I had been able to assist other
families.
Both Austin and Oliver agreed to respect the confidential nature of the
process we were going to try to put in place.
Without that commitment I could never have pursued the meeting they
were seeking which took place later that summer.
The brothers were given a statement by a former IRA leader.
The statement was made available publicly by the family.
The statement acknowledged that the IRA was responsible for their
father’s death; that it regretted it took so long to clarify this for
them; that the shooting of Brian Stack was not authorised by the IRA
leadership; and that the person who gave the instruction was
disciplined.
The statement expressed sorrow for the pain and hurt the Stack family
suffered.
Following the meeting the family acknowledged that the process, and I
quote, “has provided us with some answers that three separate Garda
investigations failed to deliver. We would like to thank Deputy Adams
for the role he has played in facilitating this outcome.”
Since then the position of Austin Stack has changed.
In 2013 Austin Stack gave me the names of four people whom he believed
might have information on the case.
Austin Stack told me that he had been given these names by journalistic
and Garda sources.
Austin Stack has denied giving me names.
Why on earth would I say that I received the names from him if I
didn’t?
In February of this year Austin Stack also claimed that he gave names
to the Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin.
If Austin Stack was prepared to give names to Mr. Martin, why would he
not have given them to me?
I was after all the person he was asking to arrange a meeting.
At Austin Stack’s request I contacted those I could from the names he
gave me.
They denied having any information about the killing of Brian Stack.
I told Austin Stack this.
During the election campaign earlier this year the Fianna Fail leader
and others repeated a lot of what was said in 2013.
It was part of his election strategy against Sinn Fein.
However, in addition allegations were made that I was withholding
information from the Garda.
It was in this context, and to remove any uncertainty or ambiguity I
emailed the Garda Commissioner the names that Austin Stack had given me
and which he said had come from Garda and journalistic sources.
I have never at any time described those named as suspects.
I made it clear to the Garda Commissioner that I have no information on
the death of Brian Stack.
The email was only sent after I had spoken to three of the four.
There is a live Garda investigation.
I am prepared to cooperate with this.
The position of Micheal Martin, who was a Minister in successive Fianna
Fail government’s during the peace process, and of the Taoiseach on
this issue is hypocritical, inconsistent and in fact disappointing.
I have never sought publicity on this issue.
Any public comments I have made have been in response to others.
Firstly, when Austin Stack publicly asked to meet me, and during the
process we established in 2013.
Secondly when Fine Gael and Fianna Fail sought to exploit this issue as
part of their election campaign of 2016.
And today I make this statement in the Dail following an email that I
wrote to the Garda Commissioner being put inappropriately in my opinion
into the public realm and then raised here in the Dail twice by the
Fianna Fail leader.
I say inappropriately because there is a live investigation into the
murder of Brian Stack and we in this chamber should be mindful not to
say anything which might prejudice this or any future court
proceedings.
The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach seem to be unconcerned about
this.
For my part I will cooperate with An Garda Siochana.
Micheal Martin says, I named four people who I understand to be
suspects in the murder of Mr Stack.
Teachta Martin has misled the Dail.
I never made such a statement.
I have never described those named as suspects.
He says, that I said, I took a note of the meeting between Austin and
Oliver Stack and a former IRA leader.
I never said this.
I took no note of that meeting.
He says I took Austin and Oliver Stack to that meeting in a blacked out
van.
The Taoiseach even went so far on Tuesday to say I drove the van.
Not true. I travelled with the Stack brothers in my car to a
prearranged place on the border and then we were all taken in a van to
the meeting in the north.
The Fianna Fail leader and the Taoiseach should correct the Dail record
on these.
Since Fr. Alex Reid and Fr. Des Wilson, myself and John Hume began our
work to develop a peace process successive Fianna Fail and Fine Gael
governments, encouraged and facilitated meetings between myself and
Martin McGuinness and the IRA leadership.
Is the Taoiseach and Fianna Fail leader demanding that we should have
named those we met?
Do you think this would have helped the peace process?
I recall one specific occasion when a meeting in St. Luke’s with the
then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair’s Chief of Staff Jonathon
Powell was suspended to allow Martin McGuinness and I to meet the IRA.
On other occasions initiatives involving the Irish and British
government, the IRA, the Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Fein were
constructed to advance the process.
Meetings were adjourned to facilitate this.
These conversations helped to secure historic cessations.
Should those involved be named.
None of these would have been possible without talking to the IRA.
Micheal Martin knows this.
Our efforts led in July 2005 to the IRA announcing an end to the armed
campaign and to engaging with the International Independent Commission
on Decommissioning to put its arms beyond use.
Progress that could only have been secured on the basis of direct
contact and confidentially.
Is Micheal Martin demanding that Martin McGuinness and I should name
those we were meeting in the IRA leadership and who decided to put
their arms beyond use?
Is he demanding that the Decommissioning Body name those IRA members it
met?
Are they demanding that Cyril Ramaphosa and Martii Ahtisaari name those
in the IRA they engaged with to facilitate the arms beyond use process?
Should we now name all of those in the IRA who supported the peace
process and took difficult but courageous decisions?
I and others also assisted the Smithwick Commission.
One of the most difficult legacy issues that we have had to deal with
is that of the disappeared.
The governments established the Independent Commission for the Location
of Victims Remains at my request and with Fr. Reid’s support.
As a result of our efforts 12 of the 16 victims have been recovered and
work continues on seeking information on the remain four.
I haven’t given up on this.
Martin McGuinness and I continue to meet regularly with the Commission.
The Commission also meets with former IRA people.
Should they be named.
Micheal Martin knows all of this. He was a senior member of the
government which established the commission.
Progress was only possible on the basis of confidentially and trust.
That is why no IRA people where named during any of these initiatives
and why they should not be named today.
It is an essential part of any conflict resolution process.
Sinn Fein has worked consistently to resolve the issues of the past.
As part of our commitment to this I have met many families, like that
of Brian Stack, who have lost loved ones.
If the Taoiseach and Micheal Martin are interested in healing the
legacy of the past for all families, including the Stacks, the
Finucane’s, the families of the Dublin Monaghan bombs and hundreds
more, then they could begin by putting in place an International based
independent truth recovery process.
My generation of republican activists who lived through and survived
the war have a responsibility to try and bring the families of victims
of the war, irrespective of who was responsible, to a better place.
That is what I have tried to do with my engagement in 2013 with the
Stack Family.