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A loyal, determined republican with a great love of life

Posted by Jim on August 1, 2017

Kevin Lynch

A loyal, determined republican with a great love of life

THE EIGHTH republican to join the hunger-strike for political status, on May 23rd, following the death of Patsy O’Hara, was twenty-five-year-old fellow INLA Volunteer Kevin Lynch from the small, North Derry town of Dungiven who had been imprisoned since his arrest in 1976.

A well-known and well liked young man in the closely-knit community of his home town, Kevin was remembered chiefly for his outstanding ability as a sportsman, and for qualities of loyalty, determination and a will to win which distinguished him on the sports field and which, in heavier times and circumstances, were his hallmarks as an H-Block blanket man on hunger strike to the death.

Kevin Lynch was a happy-go-lucky, principled young Derry man with an enthusiastic love of life, who was, as one friend of his remarked – a former schoolteacher of Kevin’s and an active H-Block campaigner: “the last person, back in 1969, you would have dreamed would be spending a length of time in prison.”

The story of Kevin Lynch is of a light-hearted, hard-working and lively young man, barely out of his teens when the hard knock came early one December morning nearly five years ago, who had been forced by the British occupation of his country to spend those intervening years in heroic refusal to accept the British brand of ‘criminal’ and in the tortured assertion of what he really was – a political prisoner.

Kevin Lynch was born on May 25th, 1956, the youngest of a family of eight, in the tiny village of Park, eight miles outside Dungiven. His father, Paddy, (aged 66), and his mother, Bridie, (aged 65), whose maiden name is Cassidy, were both born in Park too, Paddy Lynch’s family being established there for at least three generations, but they moved to Dungiven twenty years ago, after the births of their children.

Paddy Lynch is a builder by trade, like his father and grandfather before him – a trade which he handed down to his five sons: Michael (aged 39), Patsy (aged 37), Francis (aged 33), Gerard (aged 27), and Kevin himself, who was an apprenticed bricklayer. There are also three daughters in the family: Jean (aged 35), Mary (aged 30), and Bridie (aged 29).

Though still only a small town of a few thousand, Dungiven has been growing over the past twenty years due to the influx of families like the Lynches from the outlying rural areas. It is an almost exclusively nationalist town, garrisoned by a large and belligerent force of RUC and Brits. In civil rights days, however, nationalists were barred from marching in the town centre.

Nowadays, militant nationalists have enforced their right to march, but the RUC still attempt to break up protests and the flying of the tricolour (not in itself ‘illegal’ in the six counties) is considered taboo by the loyalist bigots of the RUC.

Support in the town is relatively strong, Dungiven having first-hand experience of a hunger strike last year when local man Tom McFeeley went fifty-three days without food before the fast ended on December 18th. Apart from Tom McFeeley and Kevin Lynch other blanket men from the town are Kevin’s boyhood friend and later comrade Liam McCloskey – himself later to embark on hunger strike – and former blanket man Eunan Brolly, who was released from the H-Blocks last December.

SCHOOL

Kevin went to St. Canice’s primary school and then on to St. Patrick’s intermediate, both in Dungiven. Although not academically minded – always looking forward to taking his place in the family building business – he was well-liked by his teachers, respected for his sporting prowess and for his well-meant sense of humour. “Whatever devilment was going on in the school, you could lay your bottom dollar Kevin was behind it,” remembers his former schoolteacher, recalling that he took great delight in getting one of his classmates, his cousin Hugh (‘the biggest boy in the class – six foot one’) “into trouble”. But it was all in fun – Kevin was no troublemaker, and whenever reprimanded at school, like any other lively lad, would never bear a grudge.

Above all, Kevin was an outdoor person who loved to go fishing for sticklebacks in the river near his home, or off with a bunch of friends playing Gaelic (an outdoor disposition which must have made his H-Block confinement even harder to bear).

GAMES

His great passion was Gaelic games playing Gaelic football from very early on, and then taking up hurling when he was at St. Patrick’s.

He excelled at both.

Playing right half-back for St. Patrick’s hurling club, which was representing County Derry, at the inaugural Feile na nGael held in Thurles, County Tipperary, in 1971, Kevin’s performance – coming only ten days after an appendix operation – was considered a key factor in the team’s victory in the four-match competition played over two days.

The following season Kevin was appointed captain of both St. Patrick’s hurling team and the County Derry under-16 team which went on in that season to beat Armagh in the All Ireland under-16 final at Croke Park in Dublin.

Later on, while working in England, he was a reserve for the Dungiven senior football team in the 1976 County Derry final.

Kevin’s team, St. Canice’s, was beaten 0-9 to 0-3 by Sarsfields of Ballerin, and he is described in the match programme as “a strong player and a useful hurler”. Within a short space of time after this final, Kevin would be in jail, as would two of his team mates on that day, Eunan Brolly and Sean Coyle.

QUALITIES

The qualities Kevin is remembered for as a sportsman were his courage and determination, his will to win, and his loyalty to his team mates. Not surprisingly the local hurling and football clubs were fully behind Kevin and his comrades in their struggle for the five demands, pointing out that Kevin had displayed those same qualities in the H-Blocks and on hunger strike.

He was also a boxer with the St. Canice’s club, once reaching the County Derry final as a schoolboy, but not always managing as easily as he achieved victory in his first fight!

Just before the match was due to start his opponent asked him how many previous fights he’d had. With suppressed humour, Kevin answered “thirty-three” so convincingly that his opponent, overcome with nervous horror, couldn’t be persuaded into the ring.

At the age of fifteen, Kevin left school and began to work alongside his father. Although lively, going to dances, and enjoying good crack, he was basically a quiet, determined young fellow, who stuck to his principles and couldn’t easily be swayed.

Like any other family in Dungiven, the Lynches are nationally minded, and young Kevin would have been just as aware as any other lad of his age of the basic injustices in his country, and would have equally resented the petty stop-and-search harassment which people of his age continually suffered at the hands of Brits and RUC.

The Lynches were also, typically, a close family and in 1973, at the age of sixteen, Kevin went to England to join his three brothers, Michael, Patsy and Gerard, who were already working in Bedford.

Both Bedford and its surrounding towns, stretching from Hertfordshire to Buckinghamshire and down to the north London suburbs, contain large Irish populations, and the Lynches mixed socially within that, Kevin going a couple of times a week to train with St. Dympna’s in Luton or to Catholic clubs in Bedford or Luton for a quiet drink and a game of snooker. He even played an odd game of rugby while over there.

But Kevin never intended settling in England and on one of his occasional visits home (“he just used to turn up”), in August 1976, he decided to stay in Dungiven.

INLA

Shortly after his return home, coming away from a local dance, he and nine other young lads were put up against a wall by British soldiers and given a bad kicking, two of the lads being brought to the barracks.

Kevin joined the INLA around this time, maybe because of this incident in part, but almost certainly because of his national awareness coming from his cultural love of Irish sport, as well as his courage and integrity, made him determined to stand up both for himself and his friends.

“He wouldn’t ever allow himself to be walked on”, recalls his brother, Michael. And he had always been known for his loyalty by his family, his friends, his teammates, and eventually by his H-Block comrades.

However, within the short space of little more than three months, Kevin’s active republican involvement came to an end almost before it had begun. Following an ambush outside Dungiven, in November ’76, in which an RUC man was slightly injured, the RUC moved against those it suspected to be INLA activists in the town.

On December 2nd, 1976, at 5.40 a.m. Brits and RUC came to the Lynch’s home for Kevin. “We said he wasn’t going anywhere before he’d had a cup of tea”, remembers Mr. Lynch, “but they refused to let him have even a glass of water. The RUC said he’d be well looked after by then.”

Also arrested that day in Dungiven were Sean Coyle, Seamus McGrandles, and Kevin’s schoolboy friend Liam McCloskey, with whom he was later to share an H-Block cell.

Kevin was taken straight to Castlereagh, and, after three days’ questioning, on Saturday, December 4th, he was charged and taken to Limavady to be remanded in custody by a special court. The string of charges included conspiracy to disarm members of the enemy forces, taking part in a punishment shooting, and the taking of ‘legally held’ shotguns.

Following a year on remand in Crumlin Road jail, Belfast, he was tried and sentenced to ten years in December 1977, immediately joining the blanket men in H3, and eventually finding himself sharing a cell with his Dungiven friend and comrade, Liam McCloskey, continuing to do so until he took part in the thirty-man four-day fast which coincided with the end of the original seven-man hunger strike last December.

LONG KESH

Since they were sentenced in 1977, both Dungiven men suffered their share of brutality from Crumlin Road and Long Kesh prison warders, Kevin being ‘put on the boards’ for periods of up to a fortnight, three or four times.

On Wednesday, April 26th, 1978, six warders, one carrying a hammer, came in to search their cell. Kevin’s bare foot, slipping on the urine-drenched cell floor, happened to splash the trouser leg of one of the warders, who first verbally abused him and then kicked urine at him.

When Kevin responded in like manner he was set upon by two warders who punched and kicked him, while another swung a hammer at him, but fortunately missed. The punching and kicking continued till Kevin collapsed on the urine-soaked floor with a bruised and swollen face.lynchdeath

In another assault by prison warders, Kevin’s cellmate, Liam McCloskey, suffered a burst ear-drum during a particularly bad beating, and is now permanently hard of hearing.

DETERMINATION

Even as long ago as April 1978, just after the ‘no wash’ protest had begun, Kevin was reported, in a bulletin issued by the Dungiven Relatives Action Committee, to “have lost a lot of weight, his face is a sickly white and he is underfed”.

His determination, and his sense of loyalty to his blanket comrades, saw him through, however, even the hardest times.

His former H-Block comrade, Eunan Brolly, who was also in H3 before his release, remembers how Kevin once put up with raging toothache for three weeks rather than come off the protest to get dental treatment. It was the sort of thing which forced some blanket men off the protest, at least temporarily, but not Kevin.

Eunan, who recalls how Kevin used to get a terrible slagging from other blanket men because the GAA, of which of course he was a member, did not give enough support to the fight for political status, also says he was not surprised by Kevin’s decision to join the hunger strike. Like other blanket men, Eunan says, Kevin used to discuss a hunger strike as a possibility, a long time ago, “and he was game enough for it”.

Neither were his family, who supported him in his decision, surprised: “Kevin’s the type of man”, said his father, when Kevin was on the hunger strike, “that wouldn’t lie back. He’d want to do his share.”

In the Free State elections, in June, Kevin stood as a candidate in the Waterford constituency, collecting 3,337 first preferences before being eliminated – after Labour Party and Fianna Fail candidates – on the fifth count, with 3,753 votes.

But the obvious popular support which the hunger strikers and their cause enjoyed nationally was not sufficient to elicit support from the Free State government who share the common, futile hope of the British government – the criminalisation of captured freedom fighters.

The direct consequence of that was Kevin’s death – the seventh at that stage – in the Long Kesh hospital at 1.00 a.m. on Saturday, August 1st after seventy-one days on hunger strike.

Irish POW Donal Billings has embarked on a hunger strike

Posted by Jim on July 31, 2017

Just learned that POW Donal Billings has embarked on a hunger strike in protest at his treatment in Portlaoise Gaol by IRPWA members. I would like to appeal to everyone, Republican or otherwise to show solidarity with Donal. Bullying must be stamped out both inside and outside the gaols. POWs have enough to contend with without idiots throwing their weight around. This year a number of POWs have walked off the IRPWA landing in Maghaberry as a result of bullying tactics from IRPWA members, now the same tactics are being used by IRPWA members in Portlaoise. This behaviour is counter revolutionary and completely unacceptable. Show your solidarity with Donal and indeed all POWs who have been subjected to IRPWA bullying

Brexit may not be dead yet but it is certainly unwell

Posted by Jim on July 30, 2017

Talk has been of ‘transition’ and of ‘implementation’, with nobody sure of the difference

Chris Johns. Irish Times.Dublin. Sunday, Julyn30, 2017

Is Brexit dying? It is tempting to say the UK government is in headlong retreat from its original Brexit plan. But that would assume there was a well-articulated vision in the first place. We now only hear faint echoes of the “no deal is better than a bad deal” as the penny seems to have dropped that any deal is likely to be superior to the “cliff-edge”, whereby the UK ceases to be a member of the EU in 20 months’ time with nothing agreed.

Talk of “transition” has been joined by suggestions of “implementation”, with nobody quite sure of the difference between the two. It amounts to a realization that it’s all very complicated, all very damaging: so push out the date to the last possible moment – currently assumed to be the date of the next general election which most Tories hope will not be until 2022.

In one of her few good decisions, Theresa May has dispatched Boris Johnson to the furthest reaches of the ex-colonies where he can do least mischief. Her one other sensible move has been to take herself away from the UK, leaving policy to be made by the few adults left in Whitehall.

Bluster

But even in Australia, Johnson continues to bluster and demonstrate an utter disregard for both reality and detail.

The increasingly irrelevant and hapless trade secretary, Liam Fox, is bogged down by rows over potential imports of chlorinated chickens from the US: free trade with America opens up all sorts of possibilities including, apparently, ingesting the same amount of chlorine as swimming in a municipal pool with your mouth open. Perhaps Mr Fox should try it.

Curiously, lifelong Eurosceptic David Davis, now minister for Brexit, seems to have allied himself with the chancellor and is warming to both implementation and transition. Ditto the charmingly bonkers Michael Gove.

Home secretary Amber Rudd announced this week that immigration reform would heed the requests of employers. The new approach to immigration seems to involve allowing free movement after 2019 but calling it something else.

Rudd announced the classic delaying tactic: a committee has been commissioned to examine the needs of the labour market and the role of immigration. The committee will deliver its report just six months from Brexit so Rudd promised “…our immigration proposals [will] ensure there is no cliff-edge on the UK’s departure for employers or individuals”.

In anyone’s language that must involve free movement. Except that the immigration minister, Brandon Lewis, insisted after the Rudd proposals were published that free movement will definitively end in 2019. Officials offered the clarification – an attempted reconciliation of the irreconcilable – that, post-2019, EU citizens can come to live in the UK provided they register. They also will probably not get automatic long-term residence rights once the implementation period is over.

All of that will look like freedom of movement to most people in the UK. So it will enrage the Brexiteers. But it isn’t freedom of movement as defined by the EU so it will be rejected in Brussels. This is just one illustration of the complexity and contradictions inherent in trying to appease the Brexit hard-liners, reach agreement with Brussels and minimise the economic fallout.

While Britain continues to try and work out what to ask for in the Brexit negotiations, the position of the EU is clearly hardening.

Tougher stance

When the people on the other side of the negotiating table are in chaos it is rational to respond with a tougher stance. While Britain stumbles towards shambolic acceptance of the inevitability of a softer and longer Brexit, the EU might as well turn the chaos to its own advantage. That means not compromising until the very last minute. With the result that businesses will be forced over the next couple of years to move from contingency to action and actually start to move activities out of the UK.

My guess is that until a late-night summit some time early in 2019, the EU will insist that “transition” means the UK accepting every single piece of EU law, continued payments into the EU budget, the four freedoms (in full), the jurisdiction of the Europeans Court of Justice and all rules and regulations – including any new ones formulated during the transition period.

The only difference will be the UK won’t be in the EU so will not have a voice during any discussions of new rules and laws.

Brexiteers can see all this coming so are already preparing there own lines of attack. Nigel Farage has started to pen articles about “the great Brexit betrayal”. Their only possible line of defence will be to demand a cliff-edge departure. Logic dictates no other approach.

Brexit isn’t dead yet but it is certainly unwell. Whether the condition is chronic or terminal remains to be seen.

IRA campaign in Co Cork during War of Independence not sectarian, UCC historian argues

Posted by Jim on

Dr Andy Bielenberg says new evidence does not support thesis that Protestants were targeted in county

Irish Times. Dublin. Sunday, July 30, 2017

New evidence from Cork does not support the thesis the IRA engaged in a sectarian campaign during the War of Independence, a history conference has heard.

Dr Andy Bielenberg of the School of History at University College Cork told the inaugural West Cork History Festival that his research with Prof James Donnelly of the University of Wisconsin on the IRA killing of suspected spies and informers in Cork did not suggest sectarianism was a factor.

Dr Bielenberg acknowledged the pioneering role of the late Dr Peter Hart in his 1998 work ‘The IRA and Its enemies: Violence and Community in Cork 1916-1923’ in setting the tone for much historical research over the past two decades but said it needed to be revised in the light of new data.

In his work, Dr Hart concluded from events in West Cork, particularly the killing of 13 Protestant men in the Bandon Valley in April 1922 after the truce, that the IRA had waged a sectarian campaign against Protestants across all of Cork, alleging that they were informers.

“Looking over the whole span of the revolution (in Co Cork) we can see that the main themes of the West Cork massacre (in April 1922)- conspiracy theories, land and sectarian vengeance were prefigured in the execution of ‘informers’ carried out in the previous two years,” wrote Dr Hart.

But Dr Bielenberg said that their research for the Cork Fatality Register into the shooting dead of 71 suspected spies by the IRA in Cork between 1919 and 1921 did not support Dr Hart’s contention that most of the suspected spies were innocent or that sectarianism was a factor in their killing.

• De Valera, Collins ‘never republicans’, West Cork History Festival told

“His conclusion in this respect depends too much on a British military assessment of one month – February 1921, the peak month of the conflict,” said Dr Bielenberg, adding they had gathered a wider range of information than was available to Dr Hart and therefore had a more rounded picture.

He explained that Dr Hart’s conclusion that the sectarianism behind the Bandon Valley killings of April 1922 was already evident in the IRA killings of suspected spies and informers in Co Cork over the preceding two years from early 1920 was not supported by their findings.

Dr Hart had concluded that Protestants, ex- soldiers and those described as tramps or tinkers made up 14 per cent of informants, 27 per cent of suspects and 67 per cent of those shot but ex-soldiers and Protestants were very different categories.

But Dr Bielenberg said his research with Prof Donnelly found that of the 71 civilian suspects killed by the IRA during the War of Independence in Cork, 40 (63 per cent) were either ex British service men or ex-RIC and that only six of these were Protestants whereas 69 per cent of those killed were Catholics.

“This prior connection with crown forces was by far the most notable feature of those targeted, rightly or wrongly, by the IRA in the War of Independence, and Protestants constituted a tiny share of this particular group, In short, this targeted group was certainly not a story about sectarianism.”

While some 10 Protestants were killed during the period in the No 3 Cork Brigade West Cork area on suspicion of being spies, by far the greatest number of spies was killed in the No 1 Cork City Brigade area where some 43 suspects (61pc) were killed and 75pc of these were Catholics.

“There is simply no basis for the sectarian argument here (Cork city) or indeed in North Cork (No 2 Brigade area) so taking the county as a whole, the sectarian thesis is simply a non-runner,” said Dr Bielenberg, adding there was a general overemphasis on the role of West Cork in the conflict.

“Hart has therefore read too much into the Dunmanway (Bandon Valley) Massacre of April 1922, and he has assumed wrongly that the killings in the preceding two years could also simply be categorised as a sectarian precursor to that event.

“The core finding of our research is that most typical type of suspected spy and informer killed by the IRA in the War of Independence were not Protestant farmers killed for agrarian or sectarian reasons but working class Catholic ex-soldiers

“It’s fair to say the conflict in Cork was certainly a fairly dirty campaign on both sides . . . but our profile of suspected spies and informers killed by the Cork IRA during the War of Independence certainly does not support the contention the IRA campaign in Cork was a sectarian one.”

Loyalists seeking confrontation with marches

Posted by Jim on

Loyalists marched through a mixed community in south Belfast on Friday
night in a show of strength in tribute to notorious UDA paramilitaries
linked to a string of sectarian atrocities.

The parade through residential streets off Ormeau Road was held for the
23rd anniversary of the death of Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder. The pair
were involved in a massacre at Sean Graham bookmakers along the same
street in 1992 in which five Catholics were killed.

The march had been restricted by the Parades Commission from several
streets including Ormeau Road. However, loyalist paramilitary flags were
flown from lampposts on Blackwood Street where the parade started –
flouting parade rules against paramilitary trappings.

Before the march began, two photographers standing on the street were
pushed and threatened by men who told them to leave the area and not to
take pictures.

The police, who were stationed at several points along the parade route,
made no attempt to intervene.

About ten bands took part in the march, which set off shortly after
7.15pm and finished on Haywood Drive at a controversial memorial garden
funded by the Housing Executive.

The parade was first held in 2014 after the housing body spent eleven
thousand pounds building the monument. A plaque bearing Bratty and
Elder’s names was subsequently fixed to the memorial. The Housing
Executive has since rejected calls to remove the structure.

The organiser of the latest march admitted a tribute to Bratty and Elder
was again taking place at the memorial.

SDLP South Belfast MLA Claire Hanna had branded the parade “offensive”,
while Alliance councillor Emmet McDonough-Brown called it a
“coat-trailing exercise”.

FASCISTS JOIN LOYALIST PROTEST

A far-right group meanwhile said it intends to join loyalists in a
‘counter-protest’ against a civil rights parade in Belfast city centre
next weekend.

A loyalist “anti-terrorism march” is due to take place at the same time
as the anti-internment parade is being organised by republicans and
progressivists.

The organisers of the annual anti-internment parade, the Anti-Interment
League, plan to march from north Belfast through the city centre on
Sunday August 6 before making their way to a rally at Dunville Park in
the west of the city. Up to 5,000 people are expected to take part.

A rival event is to be addressed by Britain First leader Paul Golding
and his deputy Jayda Fransen, who promote themselves as “pro-British,
anti-Islamic, anti-immigration”.

Golding was jailed for eight weeks last year after breaching a High
Court ban on him entering any mosques in England and Wales.

One of the group’s founders was Jim Dowson, a Scottish loyalist who
lives in the North and at one time was close to Golding. Dowson and
Golding were also linked to the Protestant Coalition, which emerged from
the loyalist flag protests.

Anti-Internment League spokesman Dee Fennell met with the Parades
Commission, which has the power to adjudicate on contentious parades and
is still considering both events.

He said that parade organisers have voluntarily agreed to start earlier
and have reduced the number of bands taking part to five.

He expressed concern at the possibility of a “perverse situation where
republicans marching on a human rights issue will be banned” while
far-right leaders are “seemingly able to travel to Belfast from Britain
and have a free rein”.