Posted by Jim on September 9, 2017
A belligerent British government statement, apparently ruling out a role
for the 26 County government in the running of the Six Counties, has
cast a shadow over efforts to restart powersharing talks in Belfast.
Dublin’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney had said that full
direct rule from London could not be reimposed without the input of the
26 County government.
Under both the Good Friday and St Andrews’ peace agreements, the British
government is under a legal obligation to consult Dublin if
power-sharing in the North fails to function. The DUP/SF Executive in
Belfast has not met for seven months after the late Martin McGuinness
resigned as deputy first minister in a row over a financial scandal and
unimplemented previous agreements.
“There can be no British-only direct rule, that is the Irish
Government’s position,” Mr Coveney said. “It would be very difficult to
even contemplate how direct rule would function in that context.”
However, within hours of his statement the British government issued a
terse retort, saying: “We will never countenance any arrangement, such
as joint authority, inconsistent with the principle of consent in the
agreement.”
In an ominous sign for ongoing talks efforts, it appears the DUP
influenced the British decision to issue a statement rebuking Coveney.
Senior Sinn Fein representative Alex Maskey said the British
intervention represented a “slapdown” for the Dublin government’s
position.
Sinn Fein’s leader at Stormont, Michelle O’Neill criticised the British
government’s statement on power-sharing. She said both governments are
“co-equal”.
“They have a joint and equal role in the process, in safeguarding rights
and implementing the agreements,” she said.
“The Irish government must assert that role and the British government
acknowledge that they are partners in that process.”
The SF leader in the North added that the 2006 St Andrews Agreement had
ended the British government’s ability to suspend the institutions and
impose direct rule.
“It also committed in the event of no agreement to a new British-Irish
partnership to implement the Good Friday Agreement,” she said.
SDLP leader Colum Eastwood said unilateral British direct rule would
amount to “joint Tory-DUP direct rule” and undermine the principles of
the Good Friday Agreement.
“The rapid and extreme response to Minister Coveney’s reasoned statement
bears all the hallmarks of a British government politically controlled
by the DUP,” he said.
“The SDLP are clear that our first choice has always been and will
always be restoring our devolved institutions. We believe that local
decisions on behalf of local people are best made by our local
institutions.”
South Armagh-born Labour MP Conor McGinn accused the British government
of overreacting to Mr Coveney’s “matter-of-fact remarks”
He also claimed it was the latest indication that the DUP was “calling
the Tory tune”.
“The Irish government has a legitimate and constitutionally enshrined
role to play in the north as a co-guarantor of the Good Friday
Agreement,” he said.
‘READY FOR TALKS’
Last week, a DUP proposal to bring back the northern Executive straight
away while discussing culture and corruption issues in a “parallel
process” was dismissed by Sinn Fein.
However, Sinn Fein’s leader at Stormont, Michelle O’Neill, said Sinn
Fein is ready to restart formal negotiations with the DUP, other parties
and the two governments.
Ms O’Neill said: “The Sinn Fein and DUP leaderships have for more than a
week now been engaged in intensified dialogue to determine whether
political progress is possible.
“We do believe progress is possible and are therefore ready to re-engage
in formal negotiations together, and with the other parties and both
governments, to try and reach agreement in a short, sharp and focused
negotiation.
“This process should begin immediately.”
Posted by Jim on
Sinn Fein’s Gerry Adams has made the first step in his gradual
withdrawal from front-line politics in a historic shift which he
believes will help pave the way for a new generation of party leaders.
Mr Adams ended years of speculation over his leadership by confirming
that he will set out his future intentions at the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis
[annual conference] in November, a move which will lead to him stepping
aside from the day-to-day political work.
The announcement came at Sinn Fein’s annual ‘think in’ at the Citywest
Hotel in County Meath. Mr Adams said he would detail the party’s
“planned process of generational change” after November.
At the same event last year, both Mr Adams and lifelong ally Martin
McGuinness indicated that they were working towards retirement. Mr
McGuinness passed away in March, and it is now thought likely that Mr
Adams will begin to take on an ambassadorial or honorary role.
Commentators also believe a ‘new generation’ of party figureheads will
be in a stronger position to negotiate possible coalition deals, without
the distraction posed by the allegations of IRA activity often directed
against Mr Adams.
At the party gathering, the 68-year-old told grassroots members of a
plan to achieve “strategic objectives” that includes an “orderly
leadership change”.
He said that if again confirmed as party leader at the Ard Fheis in
November, as expected, he “will be setting out our priorities and in
particular our planned process of generational change, including my own
future intentions.”
Mr Adams said the plan was “about preparing the party for the next ten
years and to ensure that we are better able to achieve our strategic
objectives”.
It is the first time he has indicated a timeframe for the transition,
which could potentially see Sinn Fein’s next leader in the Dublin
parliament become Tanaiste [Deputy Prime Minister] in a future coalition
government under Fianna Fail’s Micheal Martin.
Senior Fianna Fail figures have stressed that as long as Gerry Adams
remains as Sinn Fein leader, the party would be blocked from supporting
them in a coalition government because Mr Adams would then automatically
take on the role of Tanaiste. Despite two decades of peace work, that
would still be politically unacceptable for many Fianna Fail members.
‘TOXIC’
However, another series of bullying allegations against Sinn Fein
management cast a shadow over Mr Adams speech and undermined the
prospects of coalition.
Earlier this week Lisa Marie Sheehy, Sinn Fein’s youngest elected
councillor in the 26 Counties, resigned from the party, citing a
“bullying culture” and a “toxic atmosphere”.
It is estimated about 20 Sinn Fein councillors in the South are
currently affected by various disputes, out of a total of 159, amid
claims of bullying, sham investigations, kangaroo courts, whispering
campaigns and diktats.
A number of senior Sinn Fein politicians, including Martin Ferris,
Pearse Doherty and David Cullinane, have been implicated in the
increasingly public disputes. Ms Sheehy, a 23-year old Limerick
councillor and postgraduate student of politics, described the process of
investigation as a game of “pass the parcel”.
Prominent Tipperary councillor Seamie Morris said his mental health had
been affected by the party’s “dirty tricks”, while Westmeath councillor
Paul Hogan claimed he had received a death threat.
Senior Fianna Fail figures have denounced Sinn Fein’s Machiavellian
approach to internal party dynamics as “cult-like” and requiring
fundamental change before coalition can be considered.
Sinn Fein has denied there is a problem. In each of the instances, a
spokesperson has insisted the issue is localised and a result of
constituency splits, personality disputes, or communication issues.
Questioned about the latest incident by journalists at the ‘think-in’,
Mr Adams responded to the allegations of bullying from Sheehy by
insisting that no such culture exists.
“There is no culture of bullying within Sinn Fein and it’s actually
very unfair to the members of this party that this allegation has been
made,” he said.
Posted by Jim on September 7, 2017
Open Letter to Steve Bannon
From Fr. Sean Mc Manus, President, Irish National Caucus)
Mr. Steve Bannon
Breitbart
September 7, 2017
Dear Steve,
I’ve been wondering if you were any relation to Fr. Bannon (1829-1913) — the “Confederate Chaplain,” who was born in County Leitrim, Ireland.
Your last name and politics might indicate a close relationship.
However, I now doubt it, because at least Fr. Bannon would not have been anti-Catholic, something which you have, almost stereotypically, declared yourself to be. (And, yes, Catholics can be anti-Catholic).
Your crass and vicious charge alleges that the Catholic bishops are supporting immigrants out of “economic interest” and because “they need illegal aliens to fill the churches.” In other words, the Catholic Bishops are using one of Jesus Christ’s most sacred commands, “Do this in memory of me” — The Mass/ The Eucharist — not in fidelity to the Gospel but to make money (from the poorest people in the country?)
No anti-Catholic outburst could possibly be more offensive to lay Catholics, priests, and Bishops. It is also one of the oldest anti-Catholic tropes in America — and in England, with its historic anti-Catholic oppression in Ireland, and since 1920 in “Northern Ireland.” … So, Steve, get ready to be inducted into the Orange Order, the anti-Catholic, secret-oath-bound, organization in Northern Ireland. You would find it a congenial home: it is almost seen as respectable— like how the White Citizens Council in Alabama and Mississippi were a bit more respectable than the KKK.
Also, of course, to charge that The Mass/The Eucharist is all about making money is like the Nazi’s accusation that the Jews were sucking money out of Germany, which brings us back to another historical foundation: the historic targets of the KKK are Catholics, Blacks and Jews.
Well, this Fermanagh-born Irishman takes his stand with Catholics, Blacks and Jews against the KKK. As Martin Luther, himself, said in 1521,” Here I stand, I can no other
Posted by Jim on September 6, 2017
August 2017
A chairde:
FFAI ISSUES UPDATE
A-British Collusion no Illusion-Former RUC officer Stephen Weir told the IRISH NEWS, that top British officials were directly complicit with the notorious “Glenanne Gang.” Off-duty members of British crown forces, working with Ulster Volunteer Force loyalists, the gang committed more than 130 sectarian murders, including the horrific Dublin-Monaghan bombings which killed 33 civilians and injured more than 300.Weir said most leaders of criminal loyalist groups were paid British agents, working for the British Army or RUC. He spoke after a Belfast High Court judge ruled that the PSNI had violated the human rights of relatives of the gang’s victims, by shutting down any probe of British state connection to the murders by arming, paying, shielding and directing the murderers.
B- Document Proves Immunity for Killings by British Troops
A top level British Ministry memorandum, uncovered by Relatives For Justice, noted that the British Army “should not be inhibited in its campaign by the threat of Court proceedings.” RFJ Director Mark Thompson, said “we always believed that British Troopers had immunity, now we have concrete evidence.” The sister of murder victim Gerard Gibson said the 1972 document explains why no British troopers were ever prosecuted for his murder or for other killings like Bloody Sunday.
C-Finucane Appeal Granted but new Threats against Lawyers-.
The Finucane family’s legal fight for a public inquiry into the assassination of civil rights lawyer Pat Finucane will now go to the Supreme Court. Pat Finucane was the lawyer for Bobby Sands MP, and other high profile political cases in British courts. He was murdered by British agents after threats from the RUC and at Westminster. British Prime Minister David Cameron reneged on promises of a public inquiry to unearth all the facts of British
state involvement. Meanwhile a report by Human Rights First, titled A Troubling Turn, documents that lawyers who bring legacy cases against British crown forces have received death threats and abuse and triggered by British tabloids calling such cases “witch-hunts”.
D-Internment Day March Halted- a Republican parade which applied to march to Belfast City Center was blocked. This year’s march was intended to highlight the injustice of the Internment by License of Tony Taylor. The Derry Republican was released on license or parole but then suddenly put back in prison without charges or a right to be present or be informed of secret evidence against him. His case is a threat against others including releases under the GFA. He is supported by the SDLP, Sinn Fein and Catholic Church and Independent Republicans. Meanwhile “Britain First” an extreme right wing group was allowed to rally at Belfast City Hall.
SPECIAL ENVOY FOR NORTH MAY BE SCRAPPED
The AOH is opposing plans by the State Department to scrap the post of Special Envoy for the North. The decision to leave the post vacant was contained in a letter to Senate Foreign Relations Chair Corker. Congressman Joe Crowley, called the decision a “major mistake.” AOH PEC Chair Neil Cosgrove, has written to Congress and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, urging them to push back against this decision. The post appoints a senior official to provide American monitoring and leadership at a time when the Tory-DUP alliance is deeply worrisome.
NEW YORK FFAI WILL HOST MARK THOMPSON TOUR FOR RFJ
State President Vic Vogel has authorized FFAI to sponsor a one week tour by Mark Thompson of Relatives for Justice in January.
RFJ founded in Belfast, in 1991 has played a leading role in supporting the families of victims murdered by British crown forces or in collusion with loyalists. No one knows more about the fight to hold Britain to account and get justice for the victims! Mark has agreed to come because he and the victims rely on American help, especially from the AOH.
Mark Thompson, arrives January 9th,and is tentatively booked for public events in New York City on the 11th and Albany on the 13th.We want your requests to book the open dates on Wednesday, Friday and Sunday. We want your help and ideas to get press coverage and political briefings as well as generating money for FFAI. This is a great opportunity for us at a time when events in Ireland show that American and specifically AOH pressure on the British is crucial! Please contact me directly.
FFAI THEMED COMMEMORATIONS AND EVENTS
Brothers, the AOH holds many Memorials, Commemorations, and FFAI related events. I would like to highlight, promote and where possible attend these events.
Recently I mentioned to Tyrone AOH leaders the AOH Memorial and Easter Commemoration in Suffolk County, where Tom Clarke lived before returning to Ireland. The AOH in Tyrone, Clarke’s county, were impressed and are discussing ideas how to give recognition.
Your events and work may inspire others around the state and in Ireland!
Please contact me at MGALVINESQ@AOL.COM.
Slan
Martin Galvin
Posted by Jim on
DUP leader has hardened nationalist resolve like no unionist first minister before her
Eamonn Mallie. Irish Times. Dublin. Monday, September 4, 2017
As long as there was an IRA campaign of violence on this island, there was a large section of the Catholic nationalist community, North and South, who wouldn’t dare state openly: “I am a nationalist.”
In Northern Ireland these Nationalists are now standing up to be counted for the first time, thanks to DUP leader Arlene Foster and the behavior of a number of her colleagues.
There are two reasons why in the past many Nationalists kept their heads below the parapet: they hated the IRA violence; and they felt ashamed at what was being done in their names to fellow human beings, be they British soldiers, police officers, gardaí, Protestants, Catholics, Nationalists, Loyalists or Republicans.
A common refrain on the lips of Catholic nationalist mothers in Northern Ireland in the wake of the killing of a Catholic, a Protestant, a soldier, a police officer, a member of the IRA or a member or a loyalist organization was: “He is somebody’s son.”
The IRA ceasefire, followed by the loyalist ceasefire, followed by the dramatic reduction in soldiers on the streets of Northern Ireland – all culminating in the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998 – immeasurably changed the atmosphere and realized an unparalleled stability for the first time in more than three decades.
The leadership in the Assembly and Executive afforded by David Trimble, Ian Paisley and Peter Robinson, in the words of former Northern Ireland secretary of state Patrick Mayhew, “kept the bicycle upright and moving forward”.
Despite many hitches and imperfections in the relationships of Trimble, Paisley and Robinson with their fellow Nationalist ministers, a sense pervaded of Nationalists bedding in at the heart of government, feeling at last that they had an opportunity to exercise real power in the place where they live.
Enter Arlene Foster
Installing power-sharing was a major advance – so much so that both the Dublin and London governments took their eyes off the ball in recent years.
So, where are we today? Deadlocked.
The limited liberal tendencies, however, of Trimble, Paisley and Robinson and their involvement with Republicans and Nationalists at the highest level of government ultimately resulted in their downfalls.
Enter Arlene Foster as leader of the Democratic Unionist Party. Early in her tenure of office she struck a more strident note than her predecessors, refusing to engage in a “Forum on Brexit” in Dublin.
She only reluctantly met then taoiseach Enda Kenny to discuss Brexit.
She opted to support Brexit, but the majority of the people of Northern Ireland voted to remain in the European Union.
This did not deter Foster from parading herself at home and abroad effectively as the prime minister of Northern Ireland, declaring that she spoke for “all” the citizens.
This was despite having presided over the implementation of the Renewable Heat Incentive scandal, which could potentially cost taxpayers more than £400,000,000.
And she refused to stand aside for a short period at the request of Martin McGuinness to allow time to evaluate what had happened.
Pernicious habits
By now, other pernicious habits were creeping into practices in the Assembly, with the DUP leadership stifling any and every move by Sinn Féin and other parties to introduce progressive legislation on issues such as same-sex marriage, legacy and an Irish language act.
The DUP, under Arlene Foster’s tutelage, was using a so-called “petition of concern” (a legal instrument designed to protect minority interests such as same-sex marriage) to block movement on all social matters to which they were opposed. The DUP had the necessary numerical strength to do this and ruthlessly deployed the device.
Outside the Assembly chamber, there were growing rumblings in all Nationalist areas, with comments such as “What are nationalists getting up there at Stormont?”
One also heard: “Isn’t the DUP giving them the runaround up there at Stormont?”
Bile was coming to the surface in the Assembly and Foster was not checking it.
Some DUP elected members wilfully set about insulting Nationalists interested in the Irish language while on their feet in the Assembly chamber and outside it.
Chief among the culprits was former minister Gregory Campbell, who mockingly blurted in the Assembly “Curry my yogurt can coca coalyer”, a distortion of the Irish-language term “Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle”.
On another occasion, Campbell jibed Sinn Féin Assembly member Raymond McCartney, who took part in the hunger strikes in 1980.
“The point is Raymond McCartney, when he was on hunger strike, said he was prepared to go through with this – and he didn’t. He said he was prepared to die – and he didn’t. Somebody says they are prepared to do something and they don’t, is that success or failure?”
In the past two weeks Campbell has on BBC Radio referred to the Gasyard Féile in Derry as the “Gasyard Failure”.
Referencing an exhibition of photos by Martin McGuinness, he added: “The Gasyard failure should be a real bundle of laughs this year. First Marty’s photos (don’t know if there will be the obligatory warning at start in case those of a nervous disposition are viewing), then the serial election loser George (the cat) Galloway. Roll up, roll up, get your tickets please!”
Gaeltacht funding controversy
This habitual deriding of Sinn Féin is one thing, but the contempt for the Irish language was another.
A decision by DUP Minister Paul Givan in December 2016 to unilaterally kill off the Líofa Gaeltacht Bursary Funds Scheme – funds for children to go to the Gaeltacht in Donegal to learn Irish – was interpreted by Nationalists as revenge for the challenge to Arlene Foster to temporarily step aside over her handling of the Renewable Heat Incentive. No evidence has been found to show Ms Foster personally committed any wrong.
Nationalists right across Northern Ireland, who rarely express a political opinion, started asking about Sinn Féin’s stewardship at Stormont.
One member of the GAA community pointedly remarked in a reference to Sinn Féin that “they couldn’t even protect the bit of money for the children going to the Gaeltacht”.
It should be stated that Paul Givan hurriedly restored the £50,000 fund – but the damage was done.
Sinn Féin had been getting the message from the ground of unease at its performance dating back to the Assembly Election in 2016, when Gerry Carroll of People Before Profit topped the poll in west Belfast and veteran civil rights campaigner Eamonn McCann took a seat in Foyle, also for People Before Profit.
The crocodile bites
It was the dismissal of an Irish Language Act or Acht na Gaeilge by Arlene Foster in February this year in a pre-election comment that ultimately did for her in the nationalist psyche, particularly in the face of an extremely ill co-equal First Minister Martin McGuinness.
Crudely rejecting the granting of a free-standing’ Acht na Gaeilge (Irish Language Act) as sought by Sinn Féin and the SDLP in the lead into the March Assembly election, she stated: “If you feed a crocodile it will keep coming back and looking for more.”
That was final nail in Arlene Foster’s coffin as far as Nationalists were concerned.
Martin McGuinness had been advised by the hierarchy of Sinn Féin after Christmas that grassroots feelings were at breaking point. The political edifice was toppled by Mr McGuinness on January 16th, 2017. He died on March 21st.
The bringing-down of the Assembly and the Executive proved about as popular in Nationalist Northern Ireland as the IRA ceasefire on August 31, 1994.
Nationalist voting trends have spoken for themselves since Martin McGuinness stepped down as deputy First Minister, bringing an end to the Assembly and the Executive.
The demand for a free-standing Acht na Gaeilge is today’s “One man, one vote” of the Civil Rights campaign of over half a century ago.
It is yesterday’s banner today, and it screams:
“What do we want?
“Equality and Parity of Esteem.”
“When do we want it?
“Now.”
The big test
The demand for a free-standing Irish Language Act is emblematic of a homogeneous, radicalized Nationalist community attitude for which nothing short of full-blooded “parity of esteem” will guarantee a restoration of a devolved government.
To Nationalists, the failure of Unionism to acknowledge parity of esteem is its original sin.
The demand for Acht na Gaeilge is the political 11+ test being set by Nationalists for the DUP and Unionism to move into the big political school with a restored power-sharing administration on the basis of equality and fair play.
On March 4th, 2017, the News Letter – a Belfast-based newspaper read predominantly by Unionists – had splashed on its front page: “Northern Ireland is today waking up to a fundamentally altered political reality: Unionism is no longer a majority in the Stormont chamber for the first time since the creation of the Province a century ago.”
The message coming through to the DUP from nationalism is loud and clear: the days of being treated as second-class citizens are over, as are the days of tolerating abuse of political power.
Foster has done to Nationalism in Northern Ireland what Brexit has done to politics in Britain: she has radicalized Nationalist opinion just as Brexit has traumatized politics in the UK.
She has done more to harden the attitudes of normally moderate nationalist opinion than any of her former fellow first ministers, Trimble, Paisley or Robinson.