AOH Freedom for all Ireland Committee
Posted by Jim on September 20, 2018
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Baile na nGael
Tuesday, September 8, 2026
Posted by Jim on September 20, 2018
Posted by Jim on
At the end of six weeks of campaigning, an official petition of recall
to remove North Antrim MP Ian Paisley over corruption allegations has
fallen just short of the number required.
Just before 2am on Thursday morning, it was announced 7,099 people had
signed the petition, 444 signatures short of the required number of
7,543, or 10% of the electorate in the constituency.
Under 2015 legislation, the Westminster parliament automatically set in
motion the petition of recall process after Mr Paisley was given a
30-sitting day ban from the Commons, the longest on record for any MP.
The ban was imposed after it was uncovered that Paisley had received
luxury holidays in return for lobbying then British Prime Minister David
Cameron not to support a UN probe into human rights abuses by the Sri
Lanka government.
As well as not declaring the holidays, the MP was found to have broken
Commons lobbying rules. The disgraced MP is the first in Westminster
history to face the recall process.
The petition took place under stringent “secrecy rules” which limited
public reporting on the six-week campaign.
There had also been strong criticism of the Electoral Office in the
North after just three centres for signing the petition were opened. The
public locations in unionist town centres made it difficult, and
potentially dangerous, for those signing the petition.
Responding to this morning’s announcement, Sinn Fein representative
Philip McGuigan said it was a “disappointing result” but “no endorsement
of Ian Paisley’s actions”.
He strengthened his criticism of the recall process after receiving a
bizarre warning from the PSNI over a social media statement that
referred to the potential “knife-edge” result. It was claimed by the
Electoral Office to be a violation of the secrecy rules.
“It’s regretful that the Electoral Office did not pay as much attention
to ensuring the people of North Antrim were afforded their democratic
rights because they clearly did not do enough to facilitate people who
wished to sign the petition,” he said.
“They had the option of opening as many as ten locations where people
could sign the petition, yet they inexplicably opted to go for just
three.
“The lack of an effective public awareness campaign and the restrictive
opening hours of the signing centres were also major problems.
“Nevertheless, the issues raised by this scandal are not going away and
neither are the questions for the DUP leadership.”
Mr Paisley’s family has held the North Antrim seat, a DUP stronghold,
for nearly 50 years. Despite rising opposition to Brexit and anger at
the DUP over unrelated corruption allegations relating to a cash-for-ash
green energy scheme, he was odds-on to win a by-election. However, the
failure of the recall petition has averted what would have been a bitter
and deeply embarrassing political contest.
Ulster Unionist Party Leader Robin Swann, who supported the recall, said
public confidence in politics had collapsed.
“I would caution Ian Paisley not to see this as some sort of victory or
endorsement of his actions in acting as a paid advocate for a foreign
government and bringing North Antrim and the House of Commons into
disrepute.
“Rather I would urge him to use the time that he has been suspended from
Parliament and the DUP, to reflect on the severity of what he has done
and the embarrassment he has brought on Northern Ireland.
“He should demonstrate some humility.”
Posted by Jim on
Encouraged by the DUP, the British government has been dismantling
You might not think so, but the RHI inquiry is a sideshow. Yes, an extremely enjoyable sideshow with the DUP publicly gutting one another, the hypocrisy laid bare, the supposedly evangelical Christian values which inspired the party exposed as a meretricious façade.
Better still, the whole spectacle is free, but it’s a sideshow nevertheless.
The main event has been taking place slowly for some years now but has gathered pace since the dirty deal Theresa May did with the DUP last July. Slowly but inexorably this British government, recklessly encouraged by the DUP, has been dismantling the Good Friday Agreement. Oh, the British government pays lip service to it, repeats often how they want to maintain it, but you’ll note they never include the key phrase in last December’s joint report, ‘in all its parts’.
Most obviously, the British have abandoned the requirement of ‘rigorous impartiality’ and, among other injunctions, ‘full respect for parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities’.
In every speech May trashes by omission the identity, ethos and aspirations of northern nationalists [Catholics]. She ignores them. For her, they don’t exist. There is no evidence that she feels any responsibility towards them. There’s no malice involved; just lack of vision and poverty of imagination. She’s a classic Home Counties Little Englander whose horizon is limited by the Cotswolds. Walking in Wales is a foreign adventure.
She has chosen to side with the DUP in an unprecedented and unnecessarily detailed and unequivocal fashion. The effect is that she has taken sides against nationalists[Catholics] which has produced alienation and polarization unseen for over thirty years. Each and every demand of the DUP is granted, none of the demands too obviously outrageous, but taken together deeply damaging to political progress much less to any prospect of reconciliation here.
Currently May is in the process of dismantling the deal struck on the past after lengthy negotiations 2014-6. They haven’t said it in so many words but the DUP has reneged on it. The UUP, which admittedly doesn’t count, but which can usually be taken as a bellwether for the DUP position, has now openly opposed the deal.
Supported by the DUP, the British government has been working to find some manoeuvre to insert a statute of limitations for security force personnel. Although that is a separate matter from the Stormont House and Fresh Start legacy deals, it’s going to prevent their implementation. As it is, they won’t be enacted without some arrangement which placates the parade of Colonel Blimps who’ve appeared in the British press since early 2017. Now unionists are agitating to change the definition of victim in any consideration of the past. Nibble, nibble.
One of the most serious developments as a result of DUP objections has been the complete exclusion of the Irish government from any role in negotiations. Stormont House and Fresh Start both involved the Irish government as of right, sometimes at the table, sometimes not, but always a participant. No longer.
At the behest of the DUP the Irish government is kept at arms length. The best evidence for this is the recent British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference meeting; a deliberate slight to Coveney. There was no joint statement, no joint press conference and the British didn’t even provide a room for the Irish side to hold their own press conference. Instead they had to conduct it alfresco with traffic whizzing past. All to mollify the DUP.
Now we know that Theresa May is, in the words of George Osborne, ‘a dead woman walking’. Once Brexit happens next March the Conservatives will dump her. There could be a general election before that but it’s unlikely, given the fixed parliament legislation. In any event, the DUP’s stranglehold on progress will end. The question is whether that will mean a return to joint government action in the north or has so much damage been done that it will take years to repair?
On the other hand, perhaps an incoming British government will be so right wing and xenophobic – consider the favourites to succeed May – they will not wish to restore relations with Dublin but will resolve to dismantle the GFA completely.
Posted by Jim on September 18, 2018
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Posted by Jim on
Time for change
Irish News Eitorial. Belfast. Monday, September 17, 2018.
All the main parties in the suspended assembly face issues which need to be addressed to a greater or lesser degree but it is the DUP which has been sharply exposed as a party which is dysfunctional on a range of fronts.
While a series of previous scandals, including the Red Sky debacle and the so far unresolved National Asset Management Agency (Nama) saga, caused major damage to the party’s reputation, the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) Inquiry has taken matters to an entirely different level.
Witnesses are still appearing, and the final report from Sir. Patrick Coghlin may not be delivered until well into 2019, but no one can doubt that the evidence to date has been entirely devastating for everyone connected with the DUP.
Senior figures have turned on each other publicly, extraordinary revelations have steadily emerged about not only the DUP’s highly unusual internal processes, but its basic competency and, most significantly of all, concerns about financial malpractice are advancing with every day that passes.
It is an unedifying spectacle, which is being played out daily as alarm over the well documented conduct of Ian Paisley, an MP inextricably linked to the wider image of the DUP, reaches a decisive stage.
If the implications for our devolved structures were not disturbing enough, the British prime minister Theresa May has somehow managed to leave the overall survival of her government under the control of the DUP’s Westminster contingent which may or may not include the same Mr Paisley.
As the Brexit crisis deepens, the sense is growing that circumstances are firmly falling into place which will inevitably lead to the final break-up of the constitutional structures to which Mrs. May claims she is committed.
It is important to note that it is not only observers from nationalist or non-aligned backgrounds who have concluded that we are going through a defining chapter in our history since the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.
The Ulster Unionist leader Robin Swann, reflecting on recent developments, said at the end of last week that confidence in politics here had “completely collapsed” and it would be very difficult to disagree with his assessment.
If the DUP can review its position on many key questions which involve integrity, human rights and the aspirations of what has become the non-unionist majority, progress has always been possible.
However, the firm indications are that it is a party which is largely incapable of embracing change.