Posted by Jim on November 5, 2018
A very poor performance by Sinn Fein in the 26 County Presidential
election is causing alarm within the party over its political leadership
and direction.
Sinn Fein’s share of the vote dropped sharply as Liadh Ni Riada secured
just 6% of ballots counted, compared with 14% for Martin McGuinness in
2011. Ni Riada finished fourth, behind Michael D Higgins, Peter Casey
and Sean Gallagher, and polled as low as 3% in east Galway and south
Dublin.
Party leader Mary Lou McDonald, who replaced Gerry Adams in February,
defended her decision to contest the election, the first in seven years,
rather than giving Michael D Higgins a second term without challenge.
But the Dublin Central TD’s plan to capitalise on her party’s recent
campaign in favour of abortion — the single most divisive issue in
Irish politics — failed when hoped-for new supporters failed to
materialise. Instead, a tranche of conservative-minded supporters looks
to have jumped ship, perhaps for good.
The candidacy of Liadh Ni Riada, a fluent Irish speaker steeped in
Gaelic culture, had potential. Ms Ni Riada had hoped to start a debate
on Irish reunification, but that was compromised early on by her vow to
wear a poppy, a symbol of the British Army and its worst atrocities in
Ireland.
A number of factors have been put forward by the Sinn Fein’s leadership
for the loss of almost two-thirds of its support. None have mentioned
its goal of converting the organisation from a radical republican
movement into a centre-left partner in a coalition government, which is
at the heart of its current crisis.
On social media, a new wave of Sinn Fein ‘dissidents’ have expressed
their frustration over the leadership’s direction, as well as
revelations that certain party figures are earning salaries far greatly
than previously disclosed.
Despite the electoral setback, the party leadership continues to
accelerate away from its republican roots.
Questioned about her party’s poor performance by one television
reporter, Ms McDonald dismissed his concerns while wearing a scarf
inexplicably bedecked in poppies. She also posed for photographs this
week with the former RUC chief Drew Harris, notorious in the north of
Ireland for his role in covering up state killings.
Sinn Fein has long dismissed internal dissent as “growing pains”
resulting from its efforts to rebuild the party across the island, but a
contraction now appears far more likely. If last week’s performance was
repeated in a general election, the party could lose up to two-thirds of
its seats in the Dublin parliament.
A number of Sinn Fein supporters said they voted for Peter Casey, who
grabbed headlines with his derogatory comments aobut Travellers and
social welfare recipients, shocking liberals but winning the attention
of many.
If the party is to avoid a prolonged contraction, it will be hoping that
that is merely an act of protest — out of boredom, as some commentators
have suggested. One hopeful indication is that the large personal vote
for President Higgins is unlikely to be a factor in future elections.
But the question for Sinn Fein’s elected representatives remains: are
they willing to risk another election with Mary Lou McDonald still in
charge?
Posted by Jim on
An account of the awakening of an Irish soldier who led a mutiny against
the British Army over its atrocities in India and Ireland, and his
subsequent execution, 98 years ago this week. Abridged from an essay by
Fergal Keane.
Most of you will never have heard of Private James Joseph Daly. There is
no immediate reason why you should. A soldier dead for 98 years, he is
just one of the British soldiers who have been shot and killed this
century. He is a tiny footnote in British imperial history, of interest
to a small group of military historians. But for me his life and death
illustrate a much bigger story.
First the simple facts of James Daly’s life: a native of County
Westmeath, in what was then British-ruled Ireland, Daly was a private in
the Connaught Rangers, a regiment that has served in the British army
since the 1700s. Joining the British army for the proverbial “shilling a
day” was the escape route from poverty for tens of thousands of Irishmen
down the years. They fought in every corner of the empire, subduing the
natives and imposing the Pax Britannica.
At the end of June 1920, Daly and the rest of his battalion were
stationed at Jullundur, near Amritsar, in British India. The infamous
massacre by British troops had taken place only a short time before. The
area was seething with nationalist anger, and the soldiers of the
Connaught Rangers were an important part of the British garrison. There
is little indication of what Daly and his colleagues thought about the
massacre. But it would appear they were more concerned with events at
home in Ireland. The previous year IRA men had ambushed a group of
policemen at Soloheadbeg in County Tipperary. The killings signalled the
start of a new, bitter phase in the Irish Troubles.
Within a few months the IRA was launching ambushes on British troops and
Irish policemen across the country. It is said that one of the Connaught
Rangers, home on holidays from India, was attending a football match
when he was held up and searched by British troops. The incident shocked
him. A British soldier being searched by British soldiers? What he saw
was a country that was fast becoming an armed camp, where everybody was
expected to take a side. Being a British soldier made him a target for
the IRA, yet the British troops in Ireland regarded him as one of the
enemy.
As the conflict escalated reports of atrocities by British forces began
to reach the Connaught Rangers camp at Jullundur. The precise spark for
what happened next is still debated by historians. Some suggest it was a
series of attacks by the irregular British forces, known as Black and
Tans, which infuriated Daly and his friends. Others believe it was a
massacre by regular troops in Dublin which precipitated the crisis. At
this point let me add a personal note: if anybody has further
information on the mutiny, anything that illuminates the facts or
counters misapprehensions, please get in touch with me.
Whatever the exact incident, Private Daly and up to 150 other men staged
a mutiny. It appears to have been a fairly badly organised affair,
beginning at Jullundur, then spreading to the mountains. A green flag
was raised and the mutineers named their HQ “Liberty Hall”, after the
headquarters of James Connolly’s Irish Citizen Army that rebelled
against the British in 1916. The army chaplain, Father Baker, was the
first officer to recognise the inherent danger in the mutiny: should it
succeed the local Indian population would surely be emboldened to strike
out at the British. This would give the British a powerful reason to
deal ruthlessly with the mutineers. The priest moved quickly to try and
defuse the situation. He persuaded Daly and the others to hand in their
weapons on the promise that all would be forgotten about.
For a while this appeared to work. But tensions rose again. Some say
Daly was pressurised by his colleagues, fearful that without weapons
they were now at the mercy of the officers. Another theory is that the
promise to “forget about everything” had been broken by the officers.
Daly and about 40 men drew bayonets and advanced on the arsenal where
the weapons were stored. On the way they were confronted by British
officers who opened fire. Three men were hit. Two died quickly from
their wounds, another died later in hospital from fever. At least two of
the dead may have been simply returning from their mess when they
wandered accidentally into the line of fire. But the gunfire ended the
mutiny.
Daly and his followers surrendered and were led away to the notorious
prison at Lucknow. It was there, on 2 November 1920, after being
court-martialled, that Private James Joseph Daly, accused of being the
ring-leader, was led out for execution by firing squad – the last man in
the British army to be shot for mutiny. Eighteen others were given the
death penalty but had their sentences commuted to life imprisonment. Two
years later they were freed when an independent Irish state was
declared.
Posted by Jim on
Sinn Fein TD Peadar Toibin has been suspended from the party for six
months in a move which could lead to him contesting his seat as an
independent candidate in the next election.
The party’s spokesperson on rural development, arts and the Gaeltacht
was disciplined by the leadership for voting against legislation to
provide for abortion in the 26 Counties.
Sinn Fein whip Aengus O’Snodaigh said all party TDs were told to support
the legislation in the Dublin parliament. He said the suspension would
take effect immediately.
The move follows on from a decision to adopt a hardline pro-abortion
stance at the party’s most recent Ard Fheis [annual conference] in !!.
It meant that party representatives were banned from voting according to
their conscience, a major u-turn for a party which was described as
pro-life by the late leader Martin McGuinness just over three years ago.
Last month, Peadar Toibin defied the ban, which Sinn Fein leadership
said was a “serious breach” of the party’s rules.
There is now a possibility that he may not be able to run as a Sinn Fein
candidate if there is an election in the next six months. That could
happen if Fine Gael and Fianna Fail do not reach a new deal on
continuing the Fine Gael minority government, which depends on Fianna
Fail support.
In a statement, Mr Toibin noted the abortion bill before the Dail states
that abortion is ‘a medical procedure which is intended to end the life
of a foetus’.
Despite a vote in May to repeal the Eighth Amendment of the 26 Counties
constitution, which prohibited abortion except in cases where the
mother’s life is endangered, Mr Toibin estimated that over half of
voters in the 26 Counties do not support abortion on demand, which the
new legislation provides for.
“When TDs vote in the Dail they are individually and personally
responsible for the outcomes of the laws they vote for,” he said. “This
is a sobering responsibility and I could not in conscience vote for the
bill.”
He added: “I have been a member of Sinn Fein for 21 years. From a young
age I have been inspired by the selfless sacrifice of generations of
republicans from Wolfe Tone to Bobby Sands. I joined Sinn Fein when it
was not easy to join Sinn Fein. In the intervening years, I have poured
all my energy into building a movement to achieve a united Ireland and
economic justice.”
He said it would be hard to work towards these aims “if I am being
prevented from paying a full role in the Sinn Fein team”, adding he will
give serious consideration to his suspension in the coming week.
He also said voters who do not agree with the measures in the Bill
should be represented in the Dublin parliament, adding that there were
“few issues as contentious as abortion”.
“It is also important to note that the 34 per cent of the population
that voted to retain the Eighth Amendment plus the 20 per cent of Yes
voters who don’t agree with this Bill should have a voice in the
Oireachtas. It is reasonable that TDs should give voice to the opposing
views on Simon Harris’s abortion Bill in roughly the proportion that
exists in society. There is no better way to push voters to the extreme
than to deny them a legitimate democratic voice.”
Dublin South Central TD Aengus O Snodaigh said the Abortion Bill “is in
line with Sinn Fein’s policy position as agreed democratically at our
ardfheis”.
“The position has also been overwhelmingly endorsed by the people in May
of this year. The party’s position on this legislation is to support it.
“The whip was in place and all TDs were instructed to be present and to
vote for the legislation. Peadar Toibin’s decision to vote against the
legislation is a serious breach of the party’s rules and he has now been
suspended for a period of six months.”
Posted by Jim on
The son of a County Tyrone couple who were shot dead by the unionist
paramilitary UVF is to take legal action after discovering a police
notebook containing his personal details was in the hands of the same
organisation who murdered his parents.
Paddy Fox, whose parents Charlie and Theresa were shot dead by the Mid
Ulster UVF at their home in 1992, said he was warned by the PSNI police
in 2004 that he was under threat from loyalists.
However he was never told that he was endangered because his details
were contained in a PSNI notebook which had somehow come into the
possession of loyalists.
According to the Irish News, which has seen the notebook, it contains
details of police operations and briefings, along with lists of names,
addresses and car registrations.
Personal details relating to Paddy Fox, whose parents were murdered by
the UVF, were contained in the notebook. It gives details of Mr Fox’s
address and also contains the make and colour of the car he was driving.
A number of other republicans are named on a PSNI ‘watch list’ which
also lists their dates of birth, addresses, car makes and registrations.
The PSNI have refused to say how notebook found its way into the hands
of loyalists, but none of those whose details were included were
informed of what appears to be an obvious incident of collusion.
Mr Fox said: “In the past I have been informed by the police that my
details were in the hands of loyalists but at no time was I ever told
how they got them.
“It now seems the details were from the very people issuing me the
warnings. There needs to be some accountability for this,” he said.
Peter Corrigan of Phoenix Law, which represents a number of those named
in the notebook, said: “We will be taking civil action against the PSNI
and Chief Constable for this very serious data breach, that potentially
resulted in at least one of my clients being told he was under threat
from loyalists back in 2004.
“The PSNI had a duty of care to inform those listed in this notebook at
the time that they had lost their private details and failed to do so”,
he added.
Posted by Jim on
Investigators were kept in the dark, papers show
Fresh revelations in the murder of nationalist councillor Patsy Kelly
have called into question all previous investigations into the killing.
Mr Kelly, a 33-year-old father of five, was abducted and murdered as he
travelled home from the bar he was running in the County Tyrone village
of Trillick in July 1974.
Shortly after being stopped by a patrol of locally-recruited British
Army soldiers (UDR), the independent councillor was shot dead, his body
weighed down and dumped into a lough.
His remains were finally discovered the following month. No-one has ever
been brought to justice for the killing.
Mr Kelly’s murder was claimed by loyalists, but the family has
repeatedly stated that they believe he was murdered by the British Crown
forces who then engineered a cover-up.
It has now been revealed that ammunition connected to the discovery of
the body was found in the lough, some of which matched the same calibre
of bullet that was used to murder Mr Kelly.
This crucial evidence was withheld from the original inquest and also
disappeared from subsequent police investigations by the RUC, the PSNI
and the Historical Enquiries Team; as well as an ongoing investigation
by the Police Ombudsman’s Office.
There are concerns that other evidence was also lost as a result of the
failure to include this ammunition find in any public report.
Mr Kelly’s son Patsy, who took part in a new RTE radio documentary on
the case, said, “This new information calls into question every single
investigation that has been carried out by the police from 1974 to date
into my father’s murder.
“How could such a vital piece of information have either been withheld
or never been uncovered following so many alleged previous
investigations?
“The fact that this information was never submitted to the original
inquest throws yet another very sinister twist on the history of this
case. We will continue to seek the truth about my father’s murder and it
is simply disgraceful that the pain and anguish of our family is being
compounded by continued inaction and cover-up by the authorities.”
Researcher Ciaran MacAirt, who uncovered the archive papers which
document the ammunition find, said other papers are being withheld by
the British Ministry of Defence and the British National Archives for
reasons relating to ‘state security’.
The Kelly family solicitor, Pat Fahy added: “What other evidence which
might point to the killers being connected to the security forces is
still out there? The police and the British government must now come
clean on what has all the appearances of a state-sponsored killing, and
subsequent cover-up.”