Posted by Jim on December 2, 2018
Derry City and Strabane council is set to be the first council in the
north of Ireland to allow staff members to honour Ireland’s war dead by
wearing an Easter Lily, a symbol with its roots in the 1916 Easter
Rising.
But the decision by a council committee has angered unionists who
associate the Lily with the Provisional IRA and refuse to accept that it
could be on a par with the British poppy.
The decision will now be brought before a full council meeting in the
coming weeks where it is expected to be ratified. It will be the first
time a local authority will officially enable the option of wearing an
Easter Lily.
Council staff will also be allowed to wear the Poppy emblem, which is
worn in the run up to Remembrance Sunday each year in memory of British
soldiers killed in various conflicts.
It is understood the motion was first brought forward by independent
councillor Paul Gallagher two years ago. Mr Gallagher said his motion
“was about inclusivity”.
“It is historical and ground breaking that it would be the first council
in the north to allow staff to wear the lily,” he said. “The Equality
Commission said throughout the consultation that if council was to
support this it would be very progressive.”
But DUP councillor David Ramsey said the issue “created division”. He
said he perceived the lily as “a symbol for the Provisional IRA and
prisoners”.
“The Easter Lily and the Poppy are being seen as being on par. That is
not possible,” he declared.
Sinn Fein councillor, Michael Cooper said the Lilly was a symbol for
anyone who lost their lives “in the name of Irish freedom.”
He said the decision is an “example of inclusive politics”.
“This was considered by the working group over a lengthy period of
time,” Mr Cooper said.
“We took the advice of the Equality Commission and trade unions and this
is about giving people the right to wear one.
“There was cross-party representation on the group, including the DUP
and UUP, and when the evidence was considered, it was clear that the
wearing of Easter Lilies – just like the Poppy – is entirely consistent
with a harmonious and inclusive working environment.”
Posted by Jim on
The following is a speech delivered last weekend by Peadar Toibin TD at
the annual commemoration for former Sinn Fein Vice President Frank
Driver at Ballymore Eustace in County Kildare.
Dia dhiobh a chairde Ghaeil, Ba mhaith liom buiochais a gabhail as a
cuireadh anseo inniu, an deis labhairt libh agus as an meid obair ata
deanta ag na eagarthoiri.
Mile buiochas as an deis teacht an seo innu I bhur dteannta. Ba mhaith
liom mile buiochas a gabhail le Cllr John Snell, Cllr Oliver O’Brien
agus Cllr Gerry O Neill as an deis bheith anseo le haghaidh an la
stairiuil.
Taimid bailte anseo inniu le haghaidh omos agus honoir a thabhairt do
gach duine a obair, a throid agus ar fuair bas ar son saoirse na hEirinn
agus go hairithe ar Proinsias Ui Thiomani .
I want to thank you all very much for coming here today to commemorate
the life and activism of Frank Driver. I want to thank the Chair of
today’s commemoration Cllr John Snell and the organisers Cllr Gerry
O’Neill and Cllr Oliver O’Brien and the great team that they have built
up around them.
I want to say that it has been my honour to know and work with Cllr
Snell, O’Neill and O’Brien for many years. They won’t like me for
embarrassing them like this but they are republican activists and
representatives of the highest calibre.
We are here today to commemorate the great Frank Driver. He was a
republican hero that gave his activist life to the cause of Irish Unity.
When Frank Driver was born Ireland was controlled by the largest empire
that the world had ever seen. The Union Jack flew over Ballymore Eustace
and every other town in Wicklow and Kildare. It had flown in some form
over these towns for over 500 years.
To Frank’s generation which was not all that long after the horrors of
the Famine generation, this flag and the injustice that it stood for
must have seemed immovable.
Yet that’s exactly what Frank and his generation did.
He was 13 years old when the men and women of Dublin rose up against
that empire in the 1916. This had a massive effect on him. He saw what
was possible when a broad movement of Irish Republicans planned
organised, and became activists.
At the age of 15 he was highly active in the 1918 election which saw a
majority of the island of Ireland vote for Irish Independence. He went
on to become an IRA volunteer in the Tan war and stood with the
objectives of the proclamation of the Irish republic during the Civil
War.
Imprisoned in 1922 he was the youngest internee in Newbridge Barracks.
He remained an active volunteer through the 30s and the 40s until he was
again interned in the Curragh along with 500 other volunteers.
While in the Curragh he joined the Irish language hut. Frank had a great
love of the Irish language, recognised its beauty and understood its
importance in the independence movement.
While in the Curragh along with others Frank Driver, set about
excavating an escape tunnel. The plan was frustrated and as a result he
was one of the last prisoners released in 1945 as WW2 came to a close.
On release he poured his energy into revitalising the republican
movement which was at that stage nearly broken. It was said of Frank
Driver, that he stayed steadfast even in defeat and when the majority
ebbed away from the republican movement he was like rock exposed by a
retreating tide.
Frank Driver continued his resistance through the 50s and 60s.
In the late 60s the inequalities of the orange state could be borne by
the nationalist community no longer. Nationalists were being denied
equal voting rights, equal access to housing, they were being refused
jobs due to their religion, they were being beaten and shot off the
streets, they were banned from the airwaves and prevented from
organising. When most of Ireland stood idly by Frank Driver remained
steadfast in their protection.
He built politically a new generation. His life stretching back to the
1916 rising was an inspiration to the generation that developed in those
difficult years. Indeed people like Cllr Gerry O’Neill here today served
his political apprenticeship under the influence and inspiration of
Frank Driver. He died in 1981 at the age of 74 still in the political
harness that he had toiled all his life. Ni bheidh a leitheid ann aris.
Commemoration is an important element of being an Irish Republican. It
is important to pay our respects to the heroic work and activism of
generations of Irish Republicans that went before us. That sacrifice
deserves our respect and gratitude. There efforts have achieved so much.
We stand on their shoulders. Our aims and objectives are closer today
because of their massive work.
Commemoration is also important as it allows us to learn and emulate the
efforts, the ideology and strategies. We can see clearly that Frank
Driver remained in steadfast commitment at a time when many wavered and
many left the path of the republic behind completely.
Commemoration is important as it allows us take stock of where we are
at. It allows us to analyse the political landscape and plan for the
future. It’s clear to me that Irish independence and freedom is closer
today than it has been for generations. The shock of Brexit has awoken
the establishment to just how illogical the British border in our
country is.
102 years after the 1916 rising which was fought for the right of self
determination, the Irish people now realise that our future is still in
large part determined by London.
102 years after the 1916 rising, the determination of citizens of the
north to stay in the EU, is being ignored yet again by London.
The cost of the border in these terms has come into sharp focus in the
minds of millions of Irish people.
For the first time opinion polls in the north show that a majority for
unity is now not just feasible but is a reality in many age groups.
For the first time in generations the goals and the ideals of Frank
Driver are in touching distance.
But a chairde there is nothing guaranteed. Despite the significant
change in the views of the people there exists still an establishment
north and south as Liam Mellows predicted, whose position is protected
by the existence of the border.
If the border disappeared today or tomorrow Fine Gael would shrink from
a large ruling party to small regional party. A party on self-interest
will not allow this happen if they can.
They will make every excuse under the son. They will say now is not the
time. They will say that the basis of the Good Friday Agreement, that a
majority of the population is no longer enough. Just in recent days Fine
Gael has prevented the creation of a United Ireland Committee in
Leinster House because its not the right time.
Fianna Fail are not much different, the shrinking number of republicans
in that party are held hostage by a politically paralysed Michael
Martin. Martin won’t make any decision, never mind organise in the north
for fear of failure.
Republicanism is not in a good state either today. In 1916 and 1918
Republicanism was a broad front of people all working together for the
common objective of winning Irish Independence. People like Cathal
Brugha and WT Cosgrave worked together to fight for Irish Independence.
It was a broad front because the job was so immense that a narrow
sectional group would never have been able to achieve it.
In 1918 Republicanism was a grass roots, activist movement spread across
the country. It was so because centralised decision-making from the top
down is poorer and weaker decision making and much more prone to
disaster. An empowered collective is healthier, stronger and more
resilient to group think.
This has in my opinion led to a significant level of ideological drift
within Sinn Fein. Unbelievably recently, Mary Lou and Michelle O’Neill
travelled to Westminster and called on Westminster to legislation in
three separate areas for the north. This is unprecedented. Never in the
200 years of republicanism have republican leaders gone to London
calling on them to legislate for any part of Ireland.
This is not the meaning of self-determination, it’s the opposite.
Recently Mary Lou has stated that a border poll would not be a good
thing in a Brexit situation.
Or put it another way: Lord, make us free, but not right now. The party
leadership have been flying kites around the poppy and around the
Commonwealth for a while now and their core vote has become uneasy.
The last number of years has seen the the largest republican party in
the country radically narrowing the ideological space. It has reduced
the space in which republicans like you and me could contribute and
function. Centralised, top town decision making has disempowered the
grassroots. And as a result it is shedding members by the bus full.
I genuinely wish that this was not so. I genuinely wish there were wiser
heads in leadership positions but in the last 10 days I finally came to
the decision that it would not change. I am looking at many great
republicans around us today who themselves come to that decision also.
Group think isn’t Sinn Fein’s alone, it is rife across the Irish
political spectrum. Ministers are captured by department bosses.
Parties’ makes clones of elected TDs and Cllrs preventing them from
simply saying what they think.
TDs have one eye on getting brownie points off their leader and another
eye on keeping their seat safe. They have no eye left for their
constituents or representing citizens.
We will create an activist led movement that is not centrally
controlled, from the top down and does not treat members as canvass
fodder.
Policy by focus group and a disempowered membership base has led to the
situation where all of the parties now want to inhabit the same space
and time on a large number of issues. This has led to the exclusion of
the voice of a significant section of Irish society.
This is a dangerous thing. If you exclude a voice from the Dail you
marginalise those people. If you marginalise people, they will vote for
people on the margins.
Respectful opposition is not the enemy it is a critical part of a
functioning democracy.
I attended a number of packed meetings during the week. They were full
of people who formally supported mostly Sinn Fein and Fianna Fail. It
was like watching a pressure cooker have the weighted lifted off them.
The frustration was incredible. Each person was saying that they have no
one to vote for. They stated that they are completely disenfranchised.
This must change for two reasons.
Like the republicans of 1916 and 1918 we need a broad based of people to
work together. To do this we need to be better and busier on the bread
and butter issues that affect people’s lives.
For example 83 High Worth Individuals (people with assets over 50m euro)
had taxable income of less than the average industrial wage, which is
just over 36,500 euro. 140 HWIs were found to have a taxable income of
less than 125,000 euro. This while 10,000 men, women and children are
homeless and the figures are getting worse.
Simon Harris paid 15.8m euro in rent for vacant Dept of Health building
while there is not enough money for emergency scoliosis operations for
children living in excruciating pain.
Fine Gael’s Vulture Funds; There are 18,092 mortgages valued at [euro]3.98
billion currently in the hands of unregulated vulture funds. They buy
debt cheap, grind out what they can from families, farmers and business
people, throw them on the scrap heap and get out fast.
They are an asset stripping tool employed by Fine Gael to feed on those
in financial distress. Michael Noonan siad himself “Vultures, you know,
carry out a very good service In the ecology”. Not so good if your
family is the carcass, Michael!
They are untouchable. They refuse to come before the Finance Committee
but have access all areas with the dept of Finance meeting them 125
times. This is my contribution to yesterday’s debate
“Foreign investors in REITs earned 238 million euro in profits from
their Irish property holdings in 2015, but in the same year, these
investors only paid 5.27 million euro tax to the State, an effective tax
rate of 2%.
There is no doubt that these funds are driving up house prices at time
when supply is at critically low levels. Recent CSO data shows
non-household buyers (a large component of which is REITs, purchased
more homes than first time buyers in the first four months of this year
Passive narrow republicanism is not an option at this critical juncture.
We have one of the most brutal and divisive governments in the history
of this state.
Secondly, to achieve Irish Unity, we must build a republican movement
that’s broad enough to harness the energy of all republicans in the
country and enough to finally to do justice to the men and women like
Frank Driver who have gone before.
A chairde Gael, it is my strongly held view that we must leave this
small graveyard in Ballymore Eustace today and set out to achieve this
goal.
Posted by Jim on
By Mike Ritchie (Relatives for Justice)
Finally, finally!
The families of those killed and injured in the Heights Bar have
official vindication of the fact that RUC collusion facilitated the
murder of their loved ones. A ruling by Mrs Justice Keegan in the High
Court, Belfast, this morning also confirms that collusion was a factor
in the failure to bring those responsible to justice.
Justice Keegan’s ruling quashed an application by former head of RUC
Special Branch Raymond White (on behalf of the Retired Police Officers
Association, RPOA), seeking to restrict the powers of the Police
Ombudsman to publish the facts and her/his conclusions arising out of
investigations into complaints against the RUC.
By implication, her ruling suggests that restriction of the Police
Ombudsman’s wide discretion to publish what s/he sees fit to publish
would undermine the peace process and the outcome of negotiations that
concluded the conflict in the late 1990s and brought about the new
dispensation in the north of Ireland.
Adrian Rogan, 34, Malcolm Jenkinson, 53, Barney Green, 87, Daniel
McCreanor 59, Patrick O’Hare, 35, and Eamon Byrne, 39 were all killed by
the UVF when one of their units pushed open the door of a quiet country
bar where the occupants were watching Ireland playing in the soccer
world cup in 1994. The killers opened fire with automatic weapons with
cruel indiscrimination killing the six men and injuring five others
seriously.
The complaint by the Loughinisland families against the RUC handling of
the investigation was first lodged in 2001. The matter is now concluded
an incredible 17 years later. (While an appeal is possible, such a step
would simply confirm the views held by many of Raymond White as someone
committed to undermining an important institution of the peace
settlement in the north of Ireland. It is to be hoped he will accept the
logic of today’s ruling.)
Mrs Justice Keegan summarily dismissed the argument that:
* the Ombudsman cannot make findings against the RUC as an organisation;
and
* the Ombudsman is unable to comment on collusion between the RUC and
other organisations, in this case loyalists.
She pointed out that, despite the fact there is no consensus on the
definition of collusion and that the fact that it is not anywhere
defined in law or as a criminal offence, it is nevertheless “an issue of
the utmost gravity” involving “high political and societal stakes”. It
is an issue, therefore, that needs to be addressed. The Police Ombudsman
is perfectly entitled so to do.
She stressed that the legislation establishing the office flows from the
peace process inasmuch as it was the Good Friday negotiations which lead
to the Patten Commission on the future of policing. It was the Patten
Commission which established the new architecture for policing. She
referred to para 6.42 of the Commission’s report which is worth quoting
as follows:
“We cannot emphasize too strongly the importance of the office of Police
Ombudsman in the future policing arrangements proposed in this report.
The institution is critical to the question of police accountability to
the law, to public trust in the police and to the protection of human
rights.”
After this powerful affirmation of the function of the Police Ombudsman,
Mrs Justice Keegan set out the wide discretion which parliament gave to
the institution in its statutory basis. In a withering put down of
attempts to curtail its remit, she said: “I am not attracted to a narrow
view of the Ombudsman’s functions”.
She was also live to the implications of her judgment for other reports
into other controversial cases. Her findings should allow the Ombudsman
to carry out the functions envisaged for it in holding the police to
account without fear or favour by carrying out independent
investigations into current activities and the role of the RUC in legacy
cases.
Provided the office of the Ombudsman carries out its functions lawfully,
with procedural fairness and was cautious in its use of language when
compiling its reports, it now has a wide discretion in how to carry out
its work and what to report on.
It remains to be said that the relatives of the victims of the terrible
attack at Loughinisland have carried themselves throughout with
fortitude, dignity and patience. Their poise is in stark contrast to
former RUC personnel seeking to cover-up past failings with a smothering
blanket of secrecy.