Posted by Jim on January 20, 2019
Theresa May’s catalogue of errors led Britian to this point. Now it faces paralysis and humiliation
Jonathan Freedland. Irish Times. Dublin. Wednesday, January 16, 2019
(Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian Columnist)
This was a defeat on a scale without precedent in the era of universal suffrage, a rebuff more humiliating than any endured even by Ramsay MacDonald in 1924. Some 117 Conservatives voted against the signature policy of their own government, thereby triggering a motion of no confidence that, in any normal era, would see the government toppled within hours.
But such are these extraordinary times, that is not even the most significant story from Westminster tonight. What matters more than the fate of this government or this prime minister is the fate of the country and its decision to leave the European Union, which is now suspended in a state of limbo if not purgatory. The law says Britain will leave the European Union in 70-odd days. Yet it has rejected the only firm exit path that exists. It means that, unless something changes and MPs can reach an agreement with each other, Britain will crash out of the EU on March 29 without a deal – an outcome all but the most wild-eyed Brexiteers regard as an economic and social catastrophe for these islands.
So how did it come to this? What led Theresa May, parliament and the country to this moment?
The answer you give will depend on how far back you want to go. You could look to the snap election of 2017, when May threw away her majority, thereby leaving her at the mercy of a hung parliament, where Brexit lacked a majority just as surely as she did. As a simple matter of arithmetic, the defeat tonight was foretold on the night of 8 June 2017.
Or you might go back a few months earlier, to the triggering of article 50, which started the clock ticking on a negotiation for which May was palpably not ready. The cabinet was too split between leavers and remainers to know its own mind. Only in the last few months of the two-year period did the UK have anything like a position.
Or you might say the die was cast much earlier, soon after May became prime minister and painted herself into a corner with a series of bright red lines. Once she had committed to leave the single market, customs union and jurisdiction of the European court of justice, and once she accepted that there could be no hard border in Ireland, then she had all but written the withdrawal agreement that MPs rejected tonight. The EU laws of physics dictated that there could be almost no other outcome.
Of course, May’s drawing of those red lines was itself the fruit of another choice, a political decision that her best hope lay with placating the hardest Brexiteers in her party. She had seen how the Europhobic wing of British Conservatism had devoured so many of her predecessors, and concluded that her own safety required her to placate that faction. Only later did she learn what her predecessors could have told her: that the Europhobes’ demands can never be met because what they want – cake in both its having and eating modes – is impossible.
In this she was repeating an error made by Cameron in 2013, when he announced that there would be an in/out referendum before 2017. He, too, was seeking to placate the hard Brexiteers, seeking to blunt the appeal of Ukip. That was another fateful decision on the road to the vote tonight, one that failed to see that asking voters to approve the status quo in the post-crash era was asking to be punched hard in the face. Critical, too, was Cameron’s conduct of the referendum campaign, with its serial failures – its appeal to voters’ wallets rather than their hearts, its refusal to attack the Tory leaders of the leave campaign, its complacency.
But Cameron also deserves blame for the manner of his departure. Had he delayed his resignation, he could have been around to frame what the referendum result meant. He could have said, for example, that Britons had voted to leave the European Union but had not voted to leave either the single market or customs union, since neither were on the ballot paper. Britons clearly wanted out of the EU’s political institutions, he might have said, but they had not rejected membership of the common market. And so he could have advanced a Norway-style Brexit, one that would have minimized the harm. Instead he fled the scene of his own crime, leaving a vacuum into which rival definitions of Brexit could rush. Within weeks of his exit, Brexit was redefined in the hardest terms.
All these decisions by May and Cameron laid the path to the vote tonight. But, in truth, the path is much longer and older. For at least three decades, “Europe” served as the all-purpose bogeyman of British politics. Cheered on by a Europe-loathing press, itself fuelled by an endless flow of straight banana-type lies, many of them concocted by a Telegraph correspondent in Brussels by the name of Boris Johnson, politicians of all stripes found it convenient to blame Brussels for any and all ills.
How easy it was for British politicians to say they’d love to act on this or that issue, but their hands were tied by those villains in the EU. Every summit was a “showdown” pitting plucky Britain against the wicked continentals. Both of the main political parties played this game. Recall Gordon Brown’s reluctance to be photographed signing the Lisbon treaty. (In the end he signed the treaty in a small room, alone – an early metaphor for the Brexit to come.) Given how long, and how bitterly, the fight against Europe had been fought, what’s remarkable is not how few Britons voted remain in 2016 but how many.
Or you could go further back still. The Suez fiasco of 1956 was meant to have cured Britain of its imperial delusion, but what’s clear now is that many Britons never quite made that adjustment. Underpinning Brexit, with its belief that Britain should separate itself from its closest neighbours, is a refusal to accept that we are one part of an interdependent European economy. For the Brexiteers, Britain remains a global Gulliver tied down for too long by the Lilliputians of little Europe. It is a fundamental misreading of our place in the world.
Perhaps, though, the seeds of the vote tonight were planted in the rubble of Britain’s wartime experience. Never occupied, many Britons never understood the intense need for the European Union as continental Europeans feel it. In 1984, at a ceremony to honor the fallen of Verdun, François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl held hands, in a powerful gesture of Franco-German reconciliation. According to her biographer, Margaret Thatcher was unmoved, instead mocking the sight of two grown men holding hands.
This has been Britain’s European story, repeatedly seeing what was a project of peace, designed to end centuries of bloodshed, as a scam designed to swindle the Brits of their money. You can go further back, to repeated wars against the French, the Spanish and the Germans. Or you can go further back still to the first Brexit nearly five centuries ago, when Henry VIII sought to take back control by breaking from Rome.
Wherever you choose the starting point, the end point is clear enough. It ends like this, in the sight of a parliament paralysed by indecision, still unable to embrace Europe – but just as unable to break away. And in the spectacle of an island lost and adrift.
Posted by Jim on January 19, 2019
Flags of the British Army’s infamous Parachute Regiment have once again
been erected by loyalists in County Derry in an attempt to inflame
tensions ahead of a march for justice on the anniversary of the Paras’
Bloody Sunday massacre.
Thirteen civil rights demonstrators died after members of the Parachute
Regiment opened fire in Derry’s nationalist Bogside on January 30, 1972.
A 14th person died later.
The flying of the killer regiment’s flags has been branded provocative,
disrespectful and hurtful to families of the victims. They appear every
year in the village of Newbuildings in the run-up to the anniversary of
the killings.
Kate Nash’s brother, William, was among those killed on January 30,
1972. Her father was among the 28 people shot who were shot but
survived.
Ms Nash said that the flying of the Para flags is a hate crime which is
always ignored by the authorities.
“This has become a regular feature for some people in Newbuildings,
Drumahoe and in some parts of the Waterside, but I cannot understand why
we are forced to put up with this year in and year out because to me
this is a hate crime,” she said.
“While I know the vast majority of people in those communities don’t
support these flags flying, the actions of the small number who do this
are hurtful, and it is awful that some people seek to glorify the
soldiers who carried out Bloody Sunday in such a public way.”
Sinn Fein councillor Christopher Jackson called on unionist politicians
to get the flags removed.
“Given the brutal history of the Parachute Regiment in this city, the
erection of these flags is provocative and disrespectful and clearly
designed to hurt the families who had loved ones murdered and injured on
Bloody Sunday,” he said.
“It is also an effort to raise tensions in the greater Waterside area at
a time when many others are working night and day to ease community
tension and build peace.
“I would call on unionist leaders in our city to ensure that these flags
are taken down immediately,” he added.
BROAD SUPPORT FOR MARCH
Meanwhile, a large number of groups in Derry have confirmed that they
will support the forthcoming Bloody Sunday March in Derry later this
month. Five republican groups have now said they would now take part in
the march on Sunday, January 27.
Several organisations pulled out of last year’s march over the apparent
hijacking of the long-standing Bloody Sunday justice campaign to promote
unrelated issues. Saoradh, The Irish Republican Socialist Party,
Independent Republican Councillors, 1916 Societies, and 32 County
Sovereignty Movement, have now said they will join those Bloody Sunday
relatives, the wounded and others who continue to march along the route
from the Creggan Shops to Free Derry Corner.
In a statement, Saoradh again noted that the original civil rights
protest which came under fire had been an anti-internment rally.
“There are currently a number of Irish Republican Political activists
interned by the British State, the same British State responsible for
the war crimes committed on Bloody Sunday,” they said. “We now hope that
the Bloody Sunday March will continue in its original form, giving a
voice and an acknowledgement to Irish Republicans who find themselves
interned and those who represent them.”
Setting out their reasoning in a letter, the other four groups stated:
“As Republicans, we welcome the fact that the Bloody Sunday March for
Justice seems to have returned its focus on putting the responsibility
for injustice where it lies – squarely with the British establishment
and its crown forces.
“The murders carried out in Ireland by the British were and are unjust
and immoral. They were carried out on the orders of the occupying forces
and a government which clearly has no regard for the families of these
murdered Irish citizens, in Derry, Ballymurphy or anywhere in Ireland.
“On this basis, as Republicans we are prepared to show our support and
oppose Imperialism on January 27, by taking part in the march and to
call upon other like-minded Republicans and socialists to join us at the
Bloody Sunday March.”
Posted by Jim on
The site of the former Andersonstown RUC barracks in west Belfast has
been renamed Groves Reilly Corner, in honour of Clara Reilly and her
late friend, plastic bullet victim Emma Groves.
Relatives for Justice chairwoman Ms Reilly established the first
monitoring organisation of human rights breaches by the Crown Forces
during the late 1960s and 1970s.
She said: “Anybody deserves justice if they lost a loved one and they
have not gotten the truth and answers – that is all they want.
“People are not afraid to go up front and fight for justice.”
Ms Groves was blinded by a Crown Force plastic bullet in 1971. She and
Ms Reilly founded the United Campaign Against Plastic Bullets, which was
responsible for taking giant strides towards an outright ban on the
lethal projectiles.
Andersonstown was itself the location where one victim, John Downes, was
killed by the RUC with a plastic bullet in 1984.
Ms Reilly said she was honoured by the ceremony. “They said no matter
where you go in West Belfast it is royal this and royal that, they
wanted to bring the names back to the ordinary people.”
The married mother of six recounted how she lived in Turf Lodge in West
Belfast in 1969 and was the only person with a phone.
“The red phone, they called it the hotline. “At that time there were a
lot of arrests and complaints of ill-treatment, in Castlereagh and
different holding centres, and we felt that there was a need for a human
rights organisation monitoring all this.”
They formed the Association for Legal Justice in 1971.
“From that day on my house was like an advice centre,” she said. “People
were coming to say that their father, their son, their daughter had been
arrested and were not getting any information from the police.”
She drew up a list of lawyers, including the murdered Pat Finucane, who
could find out what had happened to them.
“He was a solicitor in a million, he went a step further in challenging
things in the courts. That is why he was selected to be murdered.”
She said Emma Groves was standing in her own living room when a soldier
fired a rubber bullet through the window and she was blinded. Ms Groves
went on to lead the campaign against their use.
Ms Reilly concluded: “I was doing this since 1969 and I would do every
minute of it again.
“It is our history and what the nationalist people suffered, and I was
not prepared to take it lying down.
“I thought you had to speak out no matter what.”
Speaking ahead of the unveiling Relatives For Justice (RFJ) Director
Mark Thompson said: “What these two women have given our community and
achieved is remarkable and as a community, a society, a country, we have
been privileged and blessed to have had them there for us all.”
Paul O’Connor from the Pat Finucane Centre described Emma Groves and
Clara Reilly as “two lives of resistance”.
“Two women who were leaders in their community – and Clara still is,”
said Paul.
“Many communities would be lucky to have had one of these indomitable
fighters. Belfast and beyond had two but for the saddest of reasons. We
say that Emma was ‘blinded by a rubber bullet’ in November 1972 but she
was actually blinded by a British soldier, a Para, who deliberately
fired a rubber bullet at her face.
“There wasn’t even an allegation that she was a phantom gunwoman or nail
bomber. She simply refused to turn off the rebel songs she was playing
in her own home. At some level the British Government must have
regretted that day because Emma Groves went on to campaign, highlight,
expose, denounce and bear witness to the dangers posed by rubber and
plastic bullets in the following decades.
“It is totally appropriate that the site of the former Andersonstown RUC
barracks, scene of so many pickets with Emma and Clara, should now be
renamed to honour these two strong working class women who did so much
for others.
“The chattering classes can keep their MBEs and CBEs. Clara and Emma are
and were real heroes. And Relatives for Justice is a fitting tribute to
all those years of dedication and struggle.”
Posted by Jim on
Plans are in train to send British Army Reservists to the north of
Ireland to deal with the consequences of a crash Brexit at the end of
March.
The Tory Minister of State for the British Armed Forces, Mark Lancaster,
told MPs that reservists would be deployed “throughout the United
Kingdom” as Britain looms closer to falling out of the European Union,
taking the north of Ireland with it.
An unknown number of reinforcements are be deployed to Ireland beginning
on February 10, 2019. According to the Minister, their role will be to
protect the “welfare, health and security of UK citizens and economic
stability of the UK”.
There was strong criticism of the move on both islands.
British Labour MP Ian Murray said it was “staggering” that British
reservists are being activated because of the risk of a constitutional
crisis of the British government’s own making.
Sinn Fein South Down MP Chris Hazzard said it showed how chaotic the
British Brexit policy had become. “No government can seriously claim
that any policy that results in the need to deploy soldiers onto the
streets is a good one,” he said.
Meanwhile, unguarded comments by two Irish Ministers as they discussed
plans to introduce customs controls after Brexit have also caused alarm.
The Dublin government had consistently claimed it is not preparing to
introduce a border through Ireland in any circumstances – deal or no
deal.
But in a tape of a private conversation between Minister for Foreign
Affairs Simon Coveney and Minister for Transport Shane Ross, just as a
press conference ended, Mr Coveney is heard telling Mr Ross: “Once you
start talking about checks anywhere near the Border, people will start
delving into that, and all of a sudden we’ll be the government that
reintroduced a physical border on the island of Ireland.”
Mr Coveney also said border checks “could be at sea”. Mr Ross then said,
“yeah, but I didn’t know what to say” .
The private exchange led Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin to say a
“private understanding” now existed that border checks were in prospect.
He called the taped conversation “deeply worrying”.
Saoradh’s Packy Carty said that it was “astonishing” that the partition
drawn up and manned by the British for almost a century might now be
imposed by a Southern Irish administration.
“This weekend marks the centenary of the foundation of the 32 County
Irish Republic,” he said.
“Britain through imperial might, state violence and the threat of war
eventually forced on the Irish people two states, that to this day usurp
the Republic of 1919 and continue to deny the Irish people democratic
self-determination and sovereignty.
“Should the neo-colonial administration in Dublin set about maintaining
the British border in Ireland as Coveney suggests, then its subservience
to British and EU imperialism, rather than the interests of the Irish
people, will be clear for all to see.”
Posted by Jim on January 18, 2019
FDNY BOXING
Come and enjoy a night of USA Sanctioned Boxing with New York’s Bravest on March 15th, 2019, at Madison Square Garden’s Hulu Theatre (The Old Felt Forum). Doors open at 7:00 PM, with the first bout scheduled for 7:30 PM. The Beast of the East Boxing will feature FDNY Boxing vs Police and Firefighters from Boston to Baltimore. Proceeds benefit Building Homes for Heroes. Tickets cost $30-$65 and are on sale now. Click here to purchase tickets, or visit FDNYBoxing.com for more information.
FIREHOUSE KITCHEN TALK WITH FINDING JOHN AUTHOR & FF ANDY SERRA
Mark your calendar for Friends of Firefighters’ first Firehouse Kitchen Talk of 2019. Part memoir, part investigative history, FINDING JOHN is the poignant, emotional story of FDNY Firefighter Andy Serra’s life in the months and years after September 11. Join him at Friends of Firefighters (199 Van Brunt Street, Brooklyn, NY 11231) on Wednesday, January 30, from 6:00-9:00 PM, for a firefighter-prepared dinner followed by an informative presentation that delves into his reasons for writing the book, gives background on his research and interviews, and ends with an audience Q&A. Copies of the book will be available for sale with a percentage of proceeds going to The Ray Pfeifer Foundation and Friends of Firefighters. This event is free for active and retired FDNY members. No RSVP necessary.
2ND ANNUAL BAYSIDE ST. PATRICK’S DAY PARADE
The 2nd annual Bayside St. Patrick’s Day Parade will take place on Saturday, March 30, 2019, at 11:00 AM. This year’s Grand Marshal will be Chief Ed Kilduff, Retired Chief of Department, with Aides Phil Brady, Martin Dolan, Betty McLoughlin, John Ryan and Rev. Msgr. Thomas Machalaski, Sacred Heart. Formation for the parade will be on 35th Avenue and Bell Boulevard. All members participating in the march are requested in their Class A Uniform. For further information, please contact Lt. Gerard Walsh, BN 51, at 347-525-4107 or FF Daniel Casey, E316, at 917-484-2291.