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Friday, July 31, 2026

Aye, Aye Captain!

Posted by Jim on July 19, 2019

Artificial border speak

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Fr Sean McManus. Washington DC. Letters to Editor. Irish News. Belfast.  Published Friday, July 19, 2019.


I appreciate the new Chief Constable’s concern about a hard Brexit – ‘Chief constable’s Brexit warning’ (July 15) – but he would inspire more confidence if he showed more knowledge of his “beat”.

Despite his Cheshire background, Chief Constable Simon Byrne should know that it is really artificial and strained to speak, as he does in the fore mentioned article, about the many border crossings between ‘the two countries’. Surely, if he really understood the border, he would never speak like that? He would rather refer to the crossings between “the two jurisdictions”, between “North and South” or “between the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland.”

Not even the most ardent local unionist on the border between Fermangh and Cavan would ever talk about “two countries” – unless he/she wanted to make a very politicized statement, which is something I hope the chief constable was not trying to do.

PSNI (RUC)building ‘register’ of Derry republicans

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Five Derry men were forced to attend Strand Road PSNI base to sign a so-called “terror register” in what Saoradh believes will become a conveyer-belt approach to the imprisonment of their activists. New legislation allows targeted individuals to be required to provide a large volume of personal information to police databases, including details of vehicles used by family members, bank accounts and movements across the border. It is feared the register may be used to justify imprisonment of activists by non-jury courts, or even to ratchet pressure on some to turn informer. This week, PSNI members in Derry attempted to force five republicans to attend individual interviews to complete the register, but activists refused to enter a closed room with PSNI members, resulting in a stand-off. Among the items of information demanded were details of foreign travel, passport details, accommodation addresses, national insurance numbers, photographs for facial recognition data and fingerprints. Saoradh said the demands for personal information were in breach of individual human rights. “This highly invasive legislation enforced by British Crown Forces has already had a major impact upon those living in Derry as a border city,” they said. “The overall controlling nature has not only resulted in those affected being prohibited to cross the British-implemented border for the likes of fuel or a trip to the beach, but has had wider implications for their family members.” The mechanisms were “designed for failure” they said, and would ultimately “revive the conveyer belt of the British justice system which will, not for the first time, see further incarcerations of Irish republicans”. Saoradh called on politicians in the North to spell out their position on the register and if they have proposals to oppose it. “Saoradh will continue to highlight and expose the British Establishments roles in occupying Ireland while other sit in talking shops with their heads in the proverbial sand,” they added.

Brexit means that Northern Ireland’s constitutional future has become an issue for Europe’, says Denis Bradley

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by Paul Gosling

Denis Bradley was keen to move on in the latest Forward Together podcast interview to discuss the constitutional position of Northern Ireland.  “Well that’s the one that intrigues me because I don’t know the answer!,” he says.

“First of all I think something very important happened within the last couple of weeks and has not received attention. And that is that the Europeans have said if there a no deal situation we will still have to deal with the Northern Ireland situation.  That’s a massive movement.”

Denis insists that he does not believe that the re-imposition of a hard border is possible.  People in border areas – “the local farmer, the local shopkeeper, the local child” – have now become too used to being without borders.  “And anyway, all the border structures would be within green territory.  What I mean by green territory is from here [Derry] to Dundalk is basically – with a few exceptions, a few pockets – it’s basically a nationalist homeland.  So to think that you could do that [impose a hard border] is thinking that you can put the cavalry of the old western films out into the fort somewhere.”  But, in the analogy, the Apaches won’t stand for it.

He continues: “The Europeans are saying, if there’s no deal…. we will not deal with the British government until we solve this problem. I think that brings us to a new place. To some degree it takes the sweat off Leo Varadkar.  But I also think it’s an understanding that we’re different.  That’s what makes us different from Scotland…. I think the fascinating thing about Brexit is that it was an English construct. And it is going to leave England incredibly unsettled for a long period of time.  Whether that is for five years, or 10 years, or a generation, I do not know.”

That, in turn, leads to a new conversation about the future of Northern Ireland, including the potential All Ireland Forum, favoured by Denis.  “What we need is for a conversation to start,” he says.  “What we need is engagement from all the different parts of this island.”  But, he warns: “I do see unionism’s propensity to go back in on itself and at this difficult moment not to engage. I can understand why this is. They come from a position that nationalism can lose 20 times or 40 times – unionism can only lose once… They will become incredibly defensive.”

Denis wonders if unionism and loyalism is beginning a process of change. “My contact with loyalism over the last 20 years has been substantial and they have been very angry with the DUP, because they feel betrayed by the DUP and they feel that the DUP looks down their nose at them.  I think they are much less willing to be radicalised into creating havoc on the streets if we lose the ‘precious union’ or the ‘precious union’ is under threat.”

But Denis adds that “the southern government and parties say this is crazy, this is not the right time” to call for a border poll.  He continues: “Of course it’s the wrong time and it’s crude, it’s simplistic, and crude and wrong to have a border poll now. That’s as crude as you can get. The difficulty is that if you take that off the table, I’m not convinced unionism would move at all. It will stay within its own narrow ground. It won’t move out into engagement.

“I think that the border poll, or the possibility of a border poll, at least challenges unionism. And I think Peter Robinson was hinting at that. I think Peter Robinson was prepared to look at that and make his people ready for that…. Robinson seems to be this lone voice and we haven’t heard much else coming forth.  I think it was Colum Eastwood who made a statement, which I thought had a lot of validity – he said it’s very hard to have a conversation with people who don’t want to talk to you.  Is there civic society within unionism which is prepared to talk?  Nationalism will talk.”

Boris Johnson preparing to flip 180 degrees on immigration?

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by Mick Fealty

Whilst we are waiting for the impact, or otherwise, of Boris ‘the hype’ Johnson, Newton Emerson makes a sharp observation in the Irish News on what is actually going on in the undergrowth of British politics… An inordinate amount of the mess the UK has got itself into over Brexit is due to prime minister Theresa May making immigration a red line. This set in chain a remorseless jigsaw of EU legal logic.Without free movement it is impossible to remain in the single market, creating the bulk of the practical problems in managing the border.Without single market membership, May could only agree to a backstop for Britain that covered the customs union. The Northern Ireland backstop covers both, creating the potential sea border that made her withdrawal agreement unsellable to the DUP and others in Westminster.Yet May continued to seek every other benefit of the single market by promising continued regulatory alignment with the EU.The result was pithily described by Fraser Nelson, editor of the Spectator, as: “Remain, without freedom of movement.”This is why it is so intriguing that Boris Johnson, by far the favourite to succeed May, is rubbing out her red line. The paradox has been that immigration only affects the lower economic end of the Brexit vote. The bulk of that vote is in the wealthy south which feels invulnerable enough to the downside of its lifestyle choices to rough out the next 10-15 years. Frankly, immigrants don’t pose any kind of a threat to local livelihoods in the way they are perceived in the post industrial wastelands of Northern England or south Wales.  Newton notes: Last week, he proposed an amnesty for the UK’s estimated half a million illegal immigrants, lamenting they cannot properly “take part in the economy” and “pay their taxes” and ridiculing the idea significant numbers could be deported. He concludes: The EU says it will reopen May’s withdrawal agreement if there is a “fundamental change” in the UK’s red lines – a position with the crucial endorsement of the Irish and French governments.Immigration has to a large extent been the UK’s only red line and changing it would unlock everything.Johnson strongly advocated continued single membership for years, right up to the referendum. If consistency is any guide to his honesty, that might be worth noting. The backstop was a British idea. But the need for it could die along with May’s singular obsession with curbing immigration. The narrow view of the caretaker PM failed to allow for the fact that immigration is to do with a skills shortage in the native population. That’s a shortfall in domestic policy that certainly was not imposed by the EU. If that’s the way Johnson plays it, it will of course constitute a 180 degree, roaring handbrake turn from his grandstanding on the matter during the Referendum. With Mr Johnson the ever inconstant, getting into a Number 10, it appears, is all that matte