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Tuesday, September 1, 2026

Michael O’Flanagan Honoured

Posted by Jim on September 2, 2019

Tommy McKearney was honoured and delighted to have been invited by the National Graves Association to speak at the unveiling of a monument in Glasnevin cemetery, Dublin to republican stalwart Fr. Michael O’Flanagan.

Whomsoever can define the narrative of history often influences the received wisdom of the present and is thereafter in a position to set the agenda for the future. Nothing, therefore, challenges the powerful so much as those who question their interpretation of history whether it is their attempt to exaggerate the importance of some or to bury in obscurity the contribution of others.

The powerful fear nothing so much as the person of integrity who highlights their failures their follies and their crimes. That individual who exposes the flaws or wrongdoing in their decision-making, who highlights the weaknesses in their negotiating strategies or the lack of merit in their pontificating is dreaded.

It should come as no surprise therefore that the heroic role played by Father Michael O’Flanagan in the history of this country has sadly, and indeed scandalously, been overlooked and neglected for so long. Too many powerful elements on this island and abroad have had a vested interest in preserving this uncharitable silence.

Maintaining a silence about a men who encapsulated the republican virtues that epitomised the noblest aspects of Fenianism:


* Fearless in speaking against imperialism

* Staunchly supportive of Irish independence

* Believing and practising the values of secularism

* A courageous man of action who participated in activities

* Searing in analysing every situation

* Brutal honesty – even at huge person cost – in his deliberations

and 
* Always on the side of the poor and oppressed whether in rural or urban Ireland or abroad.


Father Michael O’Flanagan excoriated the British Empire for its brutal treatment of the Irish people and its denial of our people’s right to self-determination and he joined the struggle to break the connection with that execrable government in London.

He rejected the Treaty that partitioned Ireland and which delivered only dominion status rendering us effectively little more than administrators of British rule in Ireland.

In the 1930s he courageously contradicted and rejected fascist propaganda claiming that the civil war in Spain was about religion … By the way have we not heard a similar claim in relation to conflict closer to home?

Religion indeed plays a crucial part in this story. As an ordained priest of the Catholic Church Fr Michael O’Flanagan broke not only with convention but his political analysis and activity posed an existential threat to the power structures in Ireland before and after the Black and Tan war.

Religion, a private matter of conscience and guaranteed by the Proclamation, has been used by the ruling class to divide the people of this land and thereby gain control over us. The concept of carefully fostered divisions was no mere rhetoric in the Proclamation. Religion was used to underscore the difference between the Empire supporting aristocracy and a restless, independence-seeking people. In the northern part of our country religion was exploited to provided the basis for dividing working-class people and allow the empire retain a foothold on its western flank.

And when in 1795, the British government funded the establishment of The Royal College of St Patrick in Maynooth, it did so not out of affection for the Roman church but to exercise influence. In return for state acceptance and support, the Catholic church in Ireland was expected to support the state, maintain the status quo and at all times condemn revolution.

Sadly and to our enormous cost this convention survived the establishment of the Free State. And only in recent years have we learned the full extent of this calamity. As the old radicals used to sing, ‘with church and state in close embrace, there must be pain for the human race’.

When Michael O’Flanagan chose to disregard this practice he was making an incalculable contribution to the welfare and well-being of Irish society. He was practicing the republican virtue of secularism, demonstrating that in Ireland it was quite possible to separate church and state and that home rule did not mean Rome rule. For a long-suffering people, yet for a people who at that time had a deep devotion, this was of enormous importance. To the powers that were in place it was equally important since it questioned their every action.

Fr O’Flanagan was no mere clerical figurehead appointed as a token gesture. 
He was a gifted orator, a fact that was recognised by senior church figures when only four years after his ordination in 1904 he was sent by his bishop to the United States to engage with the Irish American Catholic community. Nevertheless, while there he displayed his deep commitment to Irish republicanism. He not only acted as an envoy for the Gaelic League, he also met and conferred with Tom Clarke and O’Donovan Rossa.
Always known as a fine speaker, his first public emergence as a political activist occurred in March 1913 when, against the wishes of his bishop, he attended and spoke at rallies in support of striking dockworkers in Sligo. This was a man who said of James Connelly – he led down his life for the Irish people to assert for them not only the right to be the political rulers of Ireland but also the economic owners of Ireland as well.

Not only was he a first class orator but he also believed in taking action in support of the less well-off and deprived. In 1915 in his parish of Cliffoney an attempt was made by local authorities to deny the poor the right to harvest turf. Defying the expressed wishes of his bishop, Michael O’Flanagan mobilised his parishioners, led them to the local bog and began harvesting turf. Thanks to this courageous piece of direct action, he forced the authorities to reverse their decision on turf cutting. He was however, unable to prevent his Bishop from censoring him and was transferred to a remote parish from where he was to have perhaps his greatest impact.

In the same year of 1915, he stood in this cemetery and delivered requiem prayers over the grave of O’Donovan Rossa before Patrick Pearse delivered his immortal oration. Nor was he afraid to directly involve himself in the fight for independence. In 1916 he helped transport arms and ammunition to his friend Patrick Moran in Crossna, the same Patrick Moran who he was to visit the evening before his execution in Mountjoy jail on 21 March 1921.

However it was in early 1917 that Fr O’Flanagan was responsible for what was perhaps one of the seminal moments in 20th-century Irish history when he effectively organised the by-election victory of Count Plunkett in North Roscommon. This result prevented Redmond’s parliamentary party from regaining its post Easter Rising momentum and facilitated the Sinn Fein general election victory of 1918.

His most heroic deeds came however when he had least political power. As a Catholic priest in early 20th-century Ireland and as a leading and influential member of Sinn Fein he could quite easily have earned immense personal privilege had he sided with the pro-treaty forces. His integrity and his analytical mind led him to take a different stance, albeit one that came at significant personal cost. Fundamentally opposed to the dominion status delivered by the treaty, he toured the United States and Australia speaking eloquently and fervently in support of the Republic.

In the face of incredible opposition and hostility from his church both in Ireland and abroad, from the pro-treaty apologists in government and in the media he persisted. He never relented in his opposition to the Treaty, unveiling a monument to Kildare’s civil war republican dead in 1933.

Always a friend of the poor, the less well-off and the working class he was quick to recognise the threat posed by fascism in the 1930s. No longer young, he worked tirelessly both at home and in the United States in support of the Spanish Republic and against the dictatorship of Franco and the Spanish Falange. It requires little imagination to envisage the hostility his principled position would have invoked in Ireland of the 1930s yet he fearlessly held his position as he had done throughout his lifetime.

And when Irish survivors of the International Brigades led by the legendary Michael O’Riordan returned to Dublin on 10th December 1938, there standing on the back of a lorry in driving rain in Abbey Street to greet them was Michael O’Flanagan, the ‘staunchest priest in Ireland’…

His life ended was to end at the relatively young age of 65 in 1942. Testimony to the regard he had earned, among the mourners was old comrade, veterans of the International Brigade and significantly in recognition of his commitment to the ordinary working class people of Ireland, stood the great Jim Larkin.

Almost 80 years have passed since he was laid to rest in this cemetery. Since his passing much has changed yet so much remains the same. Ireland is still partitioned and we might well ask ourselves what Fr. Michael O’Flanagan would make of contemporary Ireland, he who once asked in an article; ‘What will the Irish Republic do for the labourers? … What shall we eat and what shall we drink and where shall we be clothed? What would Fr O’Flanagan make of a state with 10,000 homeless and where we have food banks in almost every town?

Father Michael O’Flanagan came from the Fenian tradition and came with a clear understanding of its origins. He recognised, as did the founders of the Fenian movement that the welfare of the people would be best served in an independent and sovereign republic and that by the same token the republic must take care of all its people. He lived his life by these principles and never deviated. He has left us with a magnificent but challenging legacy. A legacy many of the powerful and comfortable would wish us to ignore and to forget.

Let us honour the life and memory of this patriot by committing ourselves to neither ignore nor forget his contribution and for what he struggled.

Let us pay him the only fitting tribute that an Irish republican patriot deserves – to pledge ourselves to build the republic he struggled so valiantly for throughout this adult life. 

Irish Unity The Solution To Brexit

Posted by Jim on

lWith the British state set to prorogue its parliament, to force through a ‘no deal’ Brexit, Sean Bresnahan argues that Republicans must be better positioned, advancing, thus, his longstanding argument for the election of a constituent assembly.

The continuing Brexit crisis in Britain — its tearing at the fabric of the British Constitution — is to be welcomed by those who hold as their object the constitution of a 32-county republic. For Irish Unity is, of course, the natural solution to Britain’s Brexit conundrum — and with it to the pending impact that a ‘no deal’ Brexit will have on Ireland.

In these tumultuous times now before us — with political change now a real possibility — we must prepare, and be better prepared, for the event of change and must have our ducks in a row. We cannot afford to be found wanting, in this moment, and must grasp and seize the initiative. In this moment of historic import, we must present and position the Republic front and centre. In the words of the great James Connolly, it must be made a word to conjure with.

Should we manage to achieve Irish Unity, or agreement towards such being effected, we must move speedily to the election of a 32-county constituent assembly — to the drafting, there, of a new constitution for an independent 32-county republic. A charter of fundamental rights should likewise here be set towards. The outcome of this deliberation — the political arrangements there set towards — can then be put to the Irish people by national referendum.
In an Irish Unity scenario, we must work to ensure that the future is forged by the Irish people alone — inclusive of our differing identities and traditions but with no role for Britain to be granted, come this process. In the context of movement towards Irish Unity, the only forward role for Britain can be to leave Ireland entirely — as she ought to have done long ago.

Sean Bresnahan, Chair, Thomas Ashe Society Omagh

Free Yankee Tickets

Posted by Jim on

Free Yankee Tickets
& Prostate Cancer Screening
Come out to Yankee Stadium on Tuesday, September 3,  for a Free Yankee Gameand Prostate Cancer Screening!
 
All fans who are men over the age of 40 are invited to participate in this event. Members will receive a free ticket for the Rangers vs. Yankees game on 9/3 at 6:35 PM. Gates open and screening begins at 5:00 PM. Members that receive the free tickets are REQUIRED to do the prostate cancer screening at Yankee Stadium.

If you get screened, you will also get free tickets to next year’s game. Results for your screening will take about 2 weeks. The screening is a simple finger prick blood test that takes just a few minutes and can save your life!

If you are interested, send an email to afatone@ufanyc.org with your name and the names of members attending with you. MEMBERS MUST BE MALES OVER THE AGE OF 40. There are a limited number of free tickets available, so they will be distributed on a first-come-first-served basis. Deadline to RSVP is Monday, September 2.  

Tickets will need to be picked up on Tuesday morning at NewYork-Presbyterian/Columbia University Irving Medical Center so we recommend making this a group outing!

*Details regarding ticket pick up are subject to change. 

 

The ‘94 Cessation – how it happened

Posted by Jim on

1994ceasefirestatement.jpg

Gerry Adams looks back at the historic peace initiative of August 1994 when the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire. (For Léargas). The IRA cessation is 25 years old this week. August 1994 was an intense month. I was involved, along with Martin McGuinness, and others in the Sinn Féin leadership, in intense, mostly private, efforts to persuade the SDLP Leader John Hume, the Irish Government and allies in Irish America to establish an alternative unarmed strategy to pursue republican and democratic objectives. Fr Alec Reid was central to this. And Fr Des.

The Sinn Féin aim was to open up the opportunity for a meaningful peace process that could bring about fundamental political and constitutional change. At the same time we were intent on advancing our republican objectives of ending partition and bringing about Irish Unity.

August 1994 was the month when it all began to come together. To be honest, neither Martin nor I really knew if we would succeed. We were attempting something unique and exceptional – to construct a series of agreements which together could persuade the IRA leadership that there existed an alternative to armed actions capable of achieving republican goals. The danger was that if we pulled everything together and the Army said NO then the process was over before it really started

Our discussions involved the Irish government; I was meeting John Hume; we were negotiating with the US administration through a variety of channels, and there was a delegation of Irish Americans – the Connolly House group – who were lobbying the Clinton administration to develop a new Irish agenda. We were also in contact with the British government though they were not part of the effort to develop an alternative.

At a briefing in early August with the IRA leadership Martin was able to tell it that the Irish government had provided written assurances that if there was a cessation there would be an immediate response on practical matters. Sinn Féin would be treated like any other political party. This would include a speedy meeting between the Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, myself and John Hume.

Incidentally, after the cessation was declared and before that meeting Albert contacted me to say that Seamus Mallon had asked him to put our meeting back until he met with John Hume and Seamus. I dismissed this. The Taoiseach did not press it.

The Connolly House group had also passed back to us a document which set out a serious programme of work and commitment from them and Irish America. Entitled ‘Policy Statement by Irish American leaders’ it said that in the event of a ceasefire they would commit themselves to ‘the creation of a campaign in the United States dedicated to achieving’ a number of specified goals. Among these were an immediate end to all visa restrictions and the provision of unrestricted access for the Sinn Féin party leader.

The IRA leadership listened attentively to what we had to say. It agreed to meet again to receive an update from us. It was coming close to make your mind up time. Everyone at the meeting knew this. Some of the leadership were against a cessation. They had been very frank about that. It was going to be a close call.

I believed that we had to choreograph a series of statements, actually more public initiatives than statements, from John Hume, An Taoiseach Albert Reynolds, and the Connolly House group, which would signal the coming together of the different pieces of the jig-saw. We also needed a visa for Joe Cahill. It was one of the issues which the Army leadership had raised with us. Fundamentally it was a test to see if the Irish government was prepared to take on the British and if it could win such a political battle with the British within the US administration. It would also be an important indicator of how seriously the Clinton administration intended to take the issue of peace in Ireland.

The Connolly House Group returned to Ireland on August 25. The following Sunday John Hume and I met and issued another joint statement. Later that evening the Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds issued a statement in which he also expressed a belief that a historic opportunity was opening up.

Martin and I met the Army Council again. The meeting was inconclusive. People needed more time to consider all the issues. Joe’s visa became an even greater test. Then late on Monday night, August 29th, President Clinton cleared Joe’s visa.

Martin and I again travelled to meet the Army Council. A package had been agreed. It was now over to the IRA leadership. Everyone at the Army meeting was a little tense. Martin McGuinness spoke eloquently. So did others. For and against.

One of Martin’s great qualities was his sense of conviction and confidence. He could bring a strength to a debate which was very, very compelling. Even if you might not agree with him you knew he was going to deliver on any commitment he made or die trying. The struggle wasn’t ending we told them. They knew that of course.

In many ways, I said, the easy decision was for the IRA to continue to fight. That was the low risk option. The high-risk option was the one we were arguing for. It meant uncharted waters. It would involve compromises. It could mean risking – and losing – everything. But we could also be the generation who would win freedom. We could set in place a process which could create new conditions for a genuine and just peace and from there build a pathway and a strategy into a new all Ireland republic.

A formal proposal was then put to the meeting. The vote was for a cessation. It was not unanimous but those who voted against pledged their support to the new position. Unity, they said was essential.

On Wednesday August 31st at noon the IRA declared its “complete cessation of military operations… We believe that an opportunity to create a just and lasting settlement has been created”.

The peace process and the dramatic changes that have taken place in the last 25 years owe much to the courageous decision by the Army Council and those other Volunteers who followed the path chosen by the IRA leadership.

A quarter of a century later much has changed. Ongoing political and demographic changes have increased the demand for more change. Political Unionism has lost its majority in the Assembly. Nationalism has rejected Westminster. There is a greater confidence and optimism. The demand for equality, for rights for all citizens is now part of our DNA. Support for a referendum on Irish Unity is growing. Nationalists and republicans will never again tolerate a second class status. Many within unionism have also come to accept the need for power-sharing and reconciliation and inclusiveness. And some are publicly speaking for the first time about the possibility of a new Ireland, a shared space which embraces the unity of all our people.

There are of course still challenges to be overcome. Brexit looms. The power sharing government is not functioning. There are still those within political unionism who see everything as a zero sum game in which any change – however innocuous – is a defeat. The British government is allied to the DUP and refusing to honour commitments made when the Good Friday Agreement was achieved. The Irish government and the southern political establishment could do much more to fulfill their obligations as co-guarantor of the Agreement. So, there is still much work to be done.

Looking back twenty five years ago to that period of our history and experience it is clear that dialogue, inclusive and based on equality, is central to any conflict resolution process – to any process of change. It is very telling that the then Leader of Unionism James Molyneaux described the cessation as ‘The most destabilising event since partition.’

Twenty five years later this assertion remains an insightful reminder of the worm at the heart of political unionism. That is the fear of positive political change. It is self-evident now that if it had been left to the Unionist leaders and the British Government there would have not been a cessation.

Thankfully they did not have a vote at the IRA’s Army Council meeting which took that decision.

British police to be sent into Brexit front line

Posted by Jim on

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English and Scottish police could be sent into conflict situations in the north of Ireland after Brexit, it has emerged. Regular police from Scotland and London’s Metropolitan police could be called on to tackle “unrest”, according to a British government official.

Under contingency plans, around 300 Scottish police would be first to be deployed to support the PSNI. If violence increases, hundreds of regular London bobbies could also be sent in to “maintain control”. It is expected they will be deployed mostly to urban areas as armed PSNI get transferred to rural areas near the border. The Scottish Police Federation has already raised concerns over the welfare of their police sent to Ireland as they do not normally carry guns and have different training. Last week PSNI chief Simon Byrne warned of a return to “paramilitary-style policing” after Brexit. PSNI harassment in republican areas has already increased, particularly in the Armagh area. Republican Sinn Féin said their members had been targeted by raids in Lurgan and Craigavon. “This past two weeks has seen a number of homes raided with some member’s tools and work equipment taken for ‘forensic testing’,” they said. “These tools are needed for the men in question to go about their daily work. “One individual went to the expense of buying new equipment as he would otherwise be without work, only for the peelers to arrive at his house early this morning, August 25, and take most of them along with his work van. “Another individual similarly had tools taken last week and more taken this morning. Both these men have been arrested and taken for interrogation.” RSF warned of a demonisation of republicans being sustained by a “compliant” media while republican activists are rounded up. Scores of charges are being brought against republicans involved in peaceful Easter commemorations in north Armagh. Almost a hundred people have now been charged with commemorations following a PSNI operation against an Easter parade in the republican Kilwilkie estate in Lurgan last year. “Republicans will resist the continued normalisation of Occupation,” they said. “As the old saying goes Oppression breeds Resistance, and we as Republicans will challenge this Occupation and the normalisation process.”