PLAQUE DEDICATION On Monday, September 16, 2019, at 1100 hours, a Plaque Dedication will be held honoring the memory of Firefighter Keith R. Young, L-158, who died on March 17, 2018. The dedication will take place in the quarters of E-311 & L-158, 145-50 Springfield Blvd. Queens, NY. All off-duty members and their families are invited to attend. Members are requested to attend in dress uniform. FF/SSGT CHRISTOPHER SLUTMAN MEMORIAL T-SHIRT FF/SSGT Christopher Slutman lost his life valiantly saving our country in Afghanistan on April 8, 2019. Engine 46/Ladder 27 has put together a memorial t-shirt drive in Chris’s honor, with all proceeds going to help out with the future of Chris’s wife and 3 young daughters. Shirts are $20 and come in navy or green. Visit www.crossbronxexpress.com to order online. Deadline for orders is this Sunday, September 15, 2019. FRIENDS OF FIREFIGHTERS 12TH ANNUAL FALL GALAThe Friends of Firefighters 12th Annual Fall Gala will be held on October 17, from 6:30 – 10:30 PM at The Prince George Ballroom, 15 East 27th Street, NYC. Join Friends of Firefighters and co-chair Gary Sinise Foundation and their 2019 Honorees, including Man of the Year Tony Catapano, Retired FF Eng 202; Honor Roll Inductee Amy Freeze; Public Service Award Winner Kia Carbone; Step Up Award winners John Fuchs, FF Lad 101, and Edward Howard, FF Lad 4; and Humanitarian Award winner Jimmy Carbone. Visit https://friendsoffirefighters.org/gala2019 for sponsorships, tickets, tables and ad opportunities. FDNY COUNSELING SERVICE UNIT QUARTERLY MEETING The CSU quarterly meeting will be held on Wednesday, September 18, 2019, at 251 Lafayette Street, 4th Floor, New York, NY 10012. Coffee and bagels at 10:00 AM, 12 Step Meeting at 11:00 AM and Lunch at 12:00 PM. Bring a friend, all are welcome. Please RSVP to (212) 925-6671 and leave a message on Ext. 395. Sponsored by the National Fallen Firefighters Foundation. JETS FIRST RESPONDER NIGHTThe Jets will be hosting First Responders Night on September 16, as they take on the Cleveland Browns at 8:15 PM for Monday Night Football at MetLife Stadium. Tickets can be found HERE or by visiting https://tinyurl.com/yyq2e3f8. Members interested in purchasing tickets for a group should contact Tyler Jones at tjones@jets.nfl.com or 973-549-4821. Groups will receive discounted tickets to celebrate First Responders Night with their unit, family & friends and a Stealth Black rally towel giveaway. FDNY HOCKEY TEAM TRYOUTSTryouts for the FDNY Hockey Team will be held at Abe Stark Rink, Coney Island, Brooklyn, Sept. 17th, 24th & Oct. 1st. All tryouts begin at 11:00 AM. For more information, email fdnyhockey25@gmail.com or call 718-913-0720.
Kate Nash, a campaigner whose brother was killed during Bloody Sunday, stands near a mural in the Catholic neighborhood of the Bogside in Derry, the site of the Jan. 30, 1972, Blood Sunday massacre when British soldiers killed 14 unarmed civilians at a civil rights march. (Cain Burdeau / CNS)
LONDONDERRY, Northern Ireland (CN) – Kate Nash is a small, bustling woman – the kind of woman who might be a favorite aunt, the kind of woman who tells you family secrets and family lies. In her case, as an outspoken campaigner in this city still scarred by decades of sectarian violence, Nash talks about secrets and lies involving Bloody Sunday, the 1972 massacre that defined the conflict in Northern Ireland.
She hurries into the Museum of Free Derry – a place dedicated to Bloody Sunday and what happened in Derry, as it’s called by Catholics, during the Troubles. It’s a wet spring day, and she’s dressed in a pink coat and clutching an umbrella.
She ever so slightly shakes her head. “They don’t like me in here,” she says in an undertone, quietly, a mischievous glint in the 70-year-old’s eye.
The museum, she says, is unofficially run by Sinn Féin and its supporters, and she says they’ve clashed over the years on a number of issues. She helps organize a march to commemorate Bloody Sunday and has pushed for investigations into what happened.
Sinn Féin is a dominant Northern Irish political party and also the former political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the paramilitary group that fought to overturn British rule in Northern Ireland.
She is here, though, to talk about the past and the present: about how her 19-year-old brother William was among 13 civilians killed by British soldiers on Jan. 30, 1972, during a Bloody Sunday civil rights march and about the pending prosecution of the first, and only, British soldier to be tried for murder in connection with the deaths in the massacre. Her father was also seriously wounded that day. The trial starts on Wednesday.
She begins to walk through the museum.
“Bloody Sunday happened in broad daylight in front of the world press,” she says. “And there’s nothing quite like that. This is what [the British government] have been trying to cover up.”
The museum is a gallery of film footage and photographs, many of them gruesome, depicting the scenes of what happened on Bloody Sunday and in its wake.
Kate Nash, a campaigner whose brother was killed during Bloody Sunday, looks at photographs depicting scenes of the massacre inside the Museum of Free Derry. (Cain Burdeau Photo/CNS)
“I remember scenes like this,” she says, pausing in front of a photograph depicting a row of coffins of Bloody Sunday victims inside a church. Mourners are pressed together.
“Sadness and anger, to tell you the truth,” she says about what she feels as she looks at the photographs of funerals. “It’s the cover-up.”
Bloody Sunday was one of the most significant events during the decades-long conflict over Northern Ireland. Widely condemned as an atrocity, the killings fueled the sectarian conflict and gave rise to even more support for the IRA.
In its immediate wake, the British government set up a tribunal to investigate the shootings and concluded – wrongly – that British soldiers with the Parachute Regiment came under attack by IRA gunmen and returned fire. The same regiment is now under scrutiny for committing another massacre in Ballymurphy, a neighborhood of Belfast, in August 1971.
It wasn’t until 1998, the same year that the Belfast-Good Friday Agreement was signed and ended the Troubles, that a second investigation into Bloody Sunday was begun. In 2010, the inquiry released its findings and declared the soldiers fired on unarmed civilians and that the killings were unjustified. The inquiry, known as the Saville Report, is Britain’s longest and most expensive public inquiry at a cost of about $242 million.
Her brother and father, both dock workers, were not connected to the IRA and were not overtly political, she says, but joined the march that day because they believed it was the right thing to do. About 15,000 people participated in the march.
“We were second-class citizens,” she says about Catholics in Northern Ireland. “We couldn’t vote; we campaigned for that. One man, one vote. That was what the civil rights movement was all about – one man, one vote.”
“They had a system of voting that was very, very unfair,” she continues. “For instance, if you were a businessman, you had 10 votes, but Catholics didn’t own businesses.”
Housing was bad too, she says. “We were all crowded into the areas, and the areas which were, you know, the ghettos. We were like black people in America.”
“[The Protestants] were in all the prime positions, even the electricity grids, they had all those jobs,” she says.
On that cold and sunny January afternoon in 1972, her brother was shot when Parachute Regiment soldiers rushed toward the march in order to arrest people throwing stones and other missiles at soldiers. William Nash was among those throwing stones.
In the space of 10 minutes, the events that shocked the world took place: Thirteen people were killed – a 14th would die later of his wounds – and 14 others were wounded. All were unarmed.
When he was killed, William Nash was near a barricade made of rubble erected in a street in what then was called “Free Derry,” a self-declared autonomous area comprising the working-class Catholic neighborhoods of the Bogside and Creggan. The area was at the heart of the civil rights movement and had become a “no go” zone for British and Northern Irish authorities. Barricades were erected around the neighborhood to prevent raids by Protestant mobs and police.
After William Nash was hit, his father went to his aid and was also shot.
“He was begging them to stop [shooting],” she says. “Witnesses said he came out in a hail of bullets. It’s a miracle my father wasn’t killed that day.”
Later in life, according to his daughter, he suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder and jumped at the sound of smoke alarms, thinking that paratroopers were coming. At times, he had to be sedated, she says.
“He was the same man at home, but he was a sadder one,” she says. “We called it sort of psychosis. It was post-traumatic stress disorder.”
Inside the museum, standing amid all the photographs of violence, Kate Nash speaks out against the British army.
“They were actually here to make war against us,” she says. “As the years passed, I mean, that told its own tale. They actually made war on the people in the North of Ireland.”
She shakes her head. For her, the soldiers who shot her brother and father are getting away with crimes. They are not facing prosecution.
“I was devastated,” she says about how she felt when it was announced in March that only one soldier would face murder charges in connection with Bloody Sunday. That soldier’s identity has been shielded and he is known only as “Soldier F.”
Nash and other family members of Bloody Sunday victims were gathered in a ballroom of a Derry hotel and told about the decision to prosecute one soldier.
“I was on the cusp of breaking down,” she recalls. Her brother cried. She says she put her arms around him. “They decided there was not enough evidence. They never have enough evidence. They’re simply refusing to do their job.”
She looks up seriously. “You see, the law here, I’m sorry, it’s not that the law is an ass, the law is corrupt.”
For her, the British government is unwilling to prosecute criminal deeds committed by soldiers.
“They’re going to put them above the law, that’s the way I see it,” she says. “We should have gotten justice 47 years ago.”
For her, top British politicians are to blame – including Boris Johnson, who now serves as prime minister – because they want to keep soldiers from being prosecuted. “Protection,” she says. “That seems to be the main thing.”
She’s even distrustful of the pending trial of Soldier F. She says he should be facing charges for killing four people, not just two.
What about the lies the paratroopers told investigators? She asks. Why, she asks, aren’t they being prosecuted for perjury? Soldiers told investigators they fired shots because they saw people wielding pistols and came under fire from sub-machine guns, which the Saville inquiry found to be untrue.
“They were shooting after people running away,” she says.
It’s not just British politicians that upset her. She speaks out against Sinn Féin, accusing it of being interested “in lining its pockets” and working behind the scenes with British authorities to not investigate crimes committed during the Troubles.
“They want an amnesty and they all want to go home and do their own thing,” she says. “They want all that wiped out.”
A scene of Derry in the Catholic neighborhood of the Bogside, the site of the Bloody Sunday massacre. (Cain Burdeau / CNS)
Outside the museum, Kate Nash breathes more freely. It’s obvious the museum stirs a mix of emotions in her, and they are not positive ones.
She points to huge murals on the walls of buildings here at the heart of where the killings took place. They depict scenes and people involved in Bloody Sunday. As she talks, she describes a landscape full of messages and counter-messages; it’s a landscape where different factions have fought over how the Bloody Sunday story ought to be told.
Just then, a woman she knows walks up the sidewalk. It’s Helen Deery, a 60-year-old friend. Deery then tells her own story of murder and injustice: Her 15-year-old brother, Manus Deery, was shot in the head in May 1972 by a soldier perched in an observation tower on the city wall around Derry. The soldier shot her brother while he was standing with a group of friends. An inquest in 2017 found Manus Deery innocent. The man who fired the shot died in 2001.
Naturally, she too feels aggrieved. “There should have been some justice brought to my family.”
Deery leaves, and Kate Nash continues to talk about injustice.
The Saville Report, she believes, wasn’t done to prove the innocence of the victims of Bloody Sunday.
“It was more meant to make [the British army] look innocent because what was the result? Nine rogue soldiers, nine bad apples,” she says.
She accuses commanders of giving false testimony and getting away with it, and says the commanders who allowed soldiers to fire on the marchers aren’t being prosecuted.
“They didn’t go up the chain of command,” she says. “It was all well choreographed.”
She asserts that the British authorities that investigated Bloody Sunday in the 1970s felt hatred toward Catholic Irish.
“Do you know what they called us? They call us in the files, ‘bog wogs,’” she says.
Today, Nash feels that politicians on all sides used the Bloody Sunday deaths for their own purposes.
“We were used as leverage you know. I think we were never intended to get justice. We were never intended to get as far as this,” she says. “They wanted to be in control of victims’ families.”
Derry is a tough place with high suicide rates, alcoholism and rampant drug use. Unemployment is high and sectarian paramilitary activity is ongoing.
“We’re still suffering from the sectarianism,” she says.
Just then, she runs into another friend – another sufferer of violence.
Michael Bridge was shot and wounded on Bloody Sunday by a soldier known in the inquiry as “Soldier N.”
“I still can’t believe it,” he says of what happened.
The 72-year-old man then goes into detail about a personal campaign of his: revealing the lies British soldiers and commanders told about what happened in Bloody Sunday.
“They obstructed due process,” he says, speaking in a heavy Irish accent. “It’s perverting the course of justice.”
He doesn’t think anyone will be prosecuted for lying. “They’re going to say it’s not in the public’s interest to charge these people with perjury,” he says.
Nash then relates how people like her – who have pushed for truth and pushed back against politicians seeking to whitewash it all away – have been demonized.
“My reputation has been destroyed,” she says. “They have said I am an MI5 agent. I’ve been accused of a lot of things,” she says. The MI5 is an equivalent of the FBI in the U.S.
The two friends stand on the street and talk. Bridge points to where soldiers shot. He names the names of the dead and wounded. It’s as though time hasn’t moved on.
Bridge feels wronged. The man who shot him will not be prosecuted. The soldiers and commanders who told lies about what happened aren’t going to be brought to account. Even Britain’s lord chief justice ignored evidence and cleared the soldiers of wrongdoing in 1972, Bridge says.
“There were TV that got it; photographers that got it,” Bridge says about how well documented the day’s events were. “There were witnesses all over the place. The arrogance of it – that they could get away with it, which they did, by the way.”
Before she leaves, Kate Nash says: “Justice and truth. You can’t divide those two.”
(Courthouse News reporter Cain Burdeau is based in the European Union.)
After a meeting between the British Prime Minister and Taoiseach Leo Varadkar
failed to make headway in resolving the dispute over the border,
Sinn Féin is to oppose any attempt by the DUP to veto the backstop at the
Stormont Assembly in Belfast.
The backstop, agreed in negotiations in late 2017, ensures that there
can be no remilitarisation of the border through Ireland after Britain
leaves the European Union.
Speaking at a party event in County Armagh, Ms McDonald said that the
DUP “must not have a veto on protecting Ireland’s basic rights”.
The DUP no longer holds the balance of power at Westminster, and its
pact to prop up the Tory government in London is unofficially over. With
its influence quickly waning, unionist commentators have now raised the
idea of the Stormont Assembly being an alternative means of controlling
the North’s future relationship with the EU, and to block or limit
the backstop. As a result of the 2006 St Andrew’s Agreement, the
DUP can veto any political change on matters devolved to the Six County
Assembly using a “petition of concern”.
A proposal for the free movement of goods across the border in the
single area of agricultural produce has already been considered as a
possible alternative to the backstop.
European Union officials have expressed their opposition to the idea of
EU laws being compromised by a regional assembly. DUP leader Arlene
Foster said this week that her party wanted a “sensible deal” and
claimed her party did not want to see any “infrastructure” at the
border”.
She wrote: “The UK must leave as one nation (sic). We are keen to see
a sensible deal but not one that divides the internal market of the UK.
We will not support any arrangements that create a barrier to East West
trade.”
Speaking to journalists at a Sinn Féin event near the Louth-Down border,
Ms McDonald said: “There should be no veto in the protection of Irish
interests. The DUP, the assembly, nobody can have a veto on what are
very, very necessary bottom-line protections.
“They’re not green protections, or orange, it’s not a nationalist or a
unionist demand, this is the position of Ireland, this is the position
that has been articulated consistently since Brexit came to pass and
this is the position that now must be adhered to.”
In a speech to party members, Ms McDonald described the British
government policy as a “Brexit fantasy that is profoundly stupid and
immeasurably dangerous”.
“Mr Johnson’s stupid, dangerous fantasy cannot become Ireland’s
nightmare because Brexit is a very English problem and the consequences
of it cannot be shifted on to Ireland,” she said.
Sinn Féin has also described the potential introduction of customs
checks near the Irish border in the event of a no-deal Brexit as
“political vandalism”.
The Fine Gael government in Dublin has revealed that it is working with
the European Commission to create checks on goods and animals “near the
border” but not at the border itself, because that would present a
“significant security risk”.
Ms McDonald said that there must be “no hardening of the Border, that
means no customs, no checks, no matter where they are”.
Sinn Féin deputy leader Michelle O’Neill said the 1998 Good Friday
Agreement must be protected and that her party would hold the Taoiseach
to his word “whenever he said that no citizen in the North would ever be
left behind again”.
“There’s no choice to be made between the protection of the Good Friday
[Belfast] Agreement and the protection of the single market, and the
Irish government must remember that,” she said.
In a week in which an online poll showed a majority in the Six Counties
are now in favour of reunification she said that the planning for a
united Ireland must begin “without delay”.
“The only certainty,” she said, “is that Irish unity is the only
solution.”
DISORDER WARNING
Meanwhile, a councillor who lives just yards from the Fermanagh border
has warned people in the area would simply refuse to comply with future
checks and smuggling will become “Ireland’s biggest industry”.
Despite its reputation during the conflict as the most militarised
frontier in western Europe during the conflict, smuggling across the
border was commonplace and even became a matter of local pride.
“If there are checks of any kind there will be civil disobedience, in
term of non-compliance on both sides of the border”, Mr McCluskey said.
“I don’t just think this to be the case, I know from speaking to local
people daily, especially those involved in farming that this will be the
position adopted by the majority.
“People just won’t put up with it, there is no one I have spoken to who
is willing to comply with being stopped, whether that’s by customs, army
or whoever.
“With mobile phones people can gather a crowd of supporters within
minutes and that will result in protests at any attempt to harden the
border.”
He said those from the farming community were especially concerned. At a
recent meeting in Monaghan, “almost everyone in that room was in
agreement that if any type of structure was put up there would be
trouble.
“That isn’t people threatening violence, it’s simply stating how people
are feeling at this time, they are worried but they are also angry.”
JOHNSON VISIT
Earlier this week, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson visited Dublin
for talks with Taoiseach Leo Varadkar. The dishevelled PM frequently
indicated his boredom and frustration at a press conference, and at one
point he made a clapping gesture in an expression of impatience.
In response to journalist questions, Johnson He fidgeted, shifted from
foot to foot, took out a pen and scribbled, shook his head, frowned,
rolled his eyes, ran his hand through his hair. At another point, he put
his hand under his chin and rested on the podium, looking exasperated.
One Irish journalist referred to a recent comment by Johnson in which he
said he would “rather be dead in a ditch” than obey new legislation,
passed last week in Westminster, which requires him to extend the Brexit
deadline beyond October 31.
“Prime Minister, when you talk about people being ‘dead in ditches’
there’s a sense in this country that you really don’t understand what’s
at stake here,” said Kevin Doyle, the political editor at the Irish
Independent.
He asked when the last time the Prime Minister had been to the border
was, and if he still believed it was like crossing “from Camden to
Islington?”
In response, Johnson claimed everyone understands the “fantastic
political importance of the border.”
“We must also simultaneously allow the UK’s democratic decision to be
honoured, and that is the question that has bedeviled the talks over the
last three years,” the Prime Minister claimed. “I genuinely think it can
be done,” he added, to silence.
Following the meeting, the Dublin government said the gap between
Britain and the European Union over Brexit remains “very wide”.
BRITISH POLITICS IN MELTDOWN
There were extraordinary scenes in the London parliament this week as
opposition MPs staged an angry protest against the suspension of
Westminster and accused the British Prime Minister of lying to the
English queen in order to secure the Crown’s authority for the shutdown.
The bitter dispute about Brexit continues to wreak havoc within the
British establishment. It is raising questions about Britain’s unwritten
constitution as well as the nature of the union with Scotland and the
North of Ireland.
Johnson stands accused of lying to his queen, Elizabeth Windsor, in
order to secure the five-week suspension of Parliament. Scotland’s
highest civil court ruled on Wednesday that the prorogation was unlawful
because it was obtained for the “improper purpose of stymying
Parliament”.
Johnson had claimed he had sought the suspension so that his new
right-wing government could set out a legislative programme. But in a
forceful judgement, the Court of Session in Edinburgh accepted that the
real reason was in fact to stop Westminster holding his government to
account over its Brexit plans. The ruling will be appealed at the
Supreme Court in London on Tuesday.
A senior Conservative party MP, one of 21 who lost the whip last week,
has said “it’s over for Boris Johnson” if the Supreme Court
agrees that he intentionally misled the queen during the process.
Johnson did not help his case when he made clear he intends to ignore
newly passed legislation requiring him to seek an extension to the
Brexit deadline, declaring he would “rather be dead in a ditch” than
obey the new law.
There are reports that the Scottish courts could now ‘go over the head’
of the rogue PM by acting itself, as a form of legal redress, to formally
and legally request the EU to extend the Brexit deadline.
At the centre of scuffles inside the House of Commons, the Speaker of the House of
Commons, John Berdow, openly declared the prorogation to be an abuse of
power by the government.
As he began proceedings to shut down parliament, a group of
opposition MPs displayed signs reading “SILENCED” and shouted in protest
during a ritual that initiates the suspension.
Bercow expressed his anger, saying it was “not a normal prorogation”.
“It is not typical. It is not standard. It’s one of the longest for
decades and it represents, not just in the minds of many colleagues, but
huge numbers of people outside, an act of executive fiat,” he said.
In an incredible display in the early hours of Tuesday morning,
MPs attempted to lie across the Speaker to prevent him leaving his seat.
Bercow was due to leave the chamber as part of the formalities required
for the suspension of parliament.
The move was likened to an intervention in 1629 when MPs sat on the
Speaker in an attempt to prevent prorogation in a dispute over taxes
imposed by then King Charles I.
One Labour MP threw himself across Bercow’s chair in protest and was
violently pushed away by Commons staff. In the melee, the Green party
leader, Caroline Lucas, was pushed over. Tory MPs still sitting in the
chamber cackled and roared abuse at the Speaker and at the opposition.
Labour MPs, who remained in their seats after government MPs and the
Speaker had left, sang the Red Flag, the SNP MPs sang the nationalist
‘Scots Wha Hae’ and Plaid Cymru MPs ‘Calon Lân’.
In another sign of a mounting dysfunction, the British government attempted a
schoolboy fraud after it was found to have doctored official documents
to downplay the risk of a no-deal Brexit. It had been forced by MPs to
publish the its ‘Operation Yellowhammer’ documents on Brexit risks,
which had previously been secretly sent to the Scottish government under the
heading of a ‘base scenario’. Following a quick edit, London
attempted to pass off the documents as a ‘worst case scenario’.
Even if Johnson and his cabal succeed in avoiding the law, their
regime remains in a state of limbo. Without a majority, they have
been unable to call an election, as opposition leaders continued to insist Johnson
must first seek an extension of the Brexit deadline.
Scottish nationalist Westminster leader Ian Blackford said he was
“desperate for an election”, but it could not take place until an
extension was secured.
He said: “It’s not just about our own party interests, it’s about our
collective national interests.” But he did anticipate that an election
would be successfully called “over the course of these weeks”.
Commentators have said late November is now the most likely timeframe
for an election.
Speaking after the parliamentary shutdown, Sinn Féin MP Chris Hazzard said Westminster
had been paralysed for the last three years by the Tory/DUP pact.
“The self interests of the Tory elite have been prioritised above
everything else,” he said.
“Westminster is the source of the problems of Brexit; it will not
provide the solutions. The shelving of the British parliament will only
add to the crisis caused by Brexit.
“That is why more and more people are now looking to a new future and
considering their place in a new, united Ireland.”
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Niall
O’Dowd is founder of Irishcentral.com, Irish America Magazine and Irish Voice newspaper .He was also the founder of
the Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform. He is the author of
‘Fire in the Morning’ (Brandon Press, 2002) about the
Irish at Ground Zero on 9/11; ‘An Irish Voice: A
Memoir” (O’Brien Press) and his latest “Lincoln
and the Irish: The Untold Story of How the Irish Helped Abraham Lincoln
Save the Union” (Skyhorse).Niall was named as one of the most
influential New Yorkers by New York Magazine. He has written in
The New York Times, Irish Times and Guardian
Newspaper.His role in the Irish peace process was featured in the book
“Daring Diplomacy” by Irish Times journalist Conor
O’Clery and also in an Irish TV/PBS documentary entitled “An
Irish Voice”
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