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Friday, July 24, 2026

Tipperary’s Dan Breen: The Hardest Hard Man

Posted by Jim on August 11, 2021

Dan Breen was startled awake from his dozing slumber by the sound of tramping feet. The small room suddenly flashed to near daylight as a spotlight played across the window looking out to the back of the house. Breen leaped to his feet and grabbed his Mauser pistol off the chair where he had left it for easy access earlier as he heard a nearby church spire clock chime. It was 1 am on October 11, 1920, in Drumcondra, north Dublin.

As Breen (right) jumped to his feet, Seán Treacy was shaken awake and grabbed his Parabellum pistol and bounded from the bed as well. Outside their door, they heard the heavy footsteps of what they knew was a raid by the Crown Forces coming up the steps to their door in Fernside house.

Both were sure they only had minutes to live. Treacy grabbed Breen by the arm and whispered, “Goodbye, Dan, until we meet above” a moment before two bullets cracked through the door, buzzing past their heads and into the back wall. They immediately returned that fire through the door, which was now partly opened. The room was flashing from light back to dark over and over like a strobe light as the two sides fired like madmen. Breen took his first wound as a bullet nicked his right thumb, but he continued firing.

Following the sound of a body slamming into the floor outside the opposing fire slackened but so did Treacy’s as his Parabellum jammed. Telling Treacy to jump out the window and try to make his escape, Breen burst through the door. He could hear more men coming up the stairs and opened fire toward the flashlights that were now illuminating him. The men on the stairs could hardly miss the hulking, well-lite target and they did not. Bullets grazed his forehead, tore into his thigh, both calves and one into his chest, still he continued to fire and his rounds were finding their marks too. He pulled the trigger again but heard only a click as his pistol was empty.

Luckily for him, the surviving soldiers were now retreating. It was his chance to follow Treacy out the window but he was filled with the rage of the warrior who was sure he was already dead and his only goal was to take as many of the enemy with him as possible. He reloaded and started down the stairs, but instead of the volley of rounds he expected he found the Crown Forces in full retreat out the door.

Climbing back up the stairs he headed for the back window, tripping over a body on the way, and jumped out, crashing through the glass roof of the conservatory below, cutting his bare feet. Looking around for Treacy he saw no trace of him. Bullets from the rifles of soldiers behind the wall surrounding the compound were splattering against the wall and into the ground around him. Still, for the first time, he believed he might have a chance to escape over the low back wall that the home’s owner, Professor John Carolan, had shown him days earlier. Blazing away at the muzzle flashes of the rifles with his pistol, head down, he moved as quickly as his wounds would allow for his only escape route.

Breen was born on August 11, 1894, in his parent’s cottage at Grange, one mile south of Donohill, County Tipperary. His mother was born Honora Moore, in Reenavana, Doon, County Limerick. His father, also Daniel, died when Dan was just 6 years old, leaving behind a widow with six children. Honora, who worked as a midwife, struggled to maintain her family after Daniel’s death.

Breen had many nationalist influences in his childhood. His mother passed on militant Republicanism to him, buying him paperback books about Wolfe Tone, Emmet, and other Republican heroes. He and other young men in the area had another strong nationalist influence during their school years, Cormac Breathnach, a teacher in the local national school.

Breathnach taught his students the reality of Irish history, including the Penal Laws, the ’98 Rising, and the efforts to destroy the Irish language and the Catholic religion. The teaching of all of that was proscribed by the British occupation government and thwarted their efforts to turn the Irish children in those schools into “happy English children,” according to Breen. In addition to Breen, Breathnach taught future Irish Volunteers Seán Treacy, Dinny Lacey, Packy Deere, and Seán Hogan.

Born Charlie Walshe in County Kerry, Breathnach changed his name when he became involved with the Gaelic League. He would be the president of the League in the late 1920s and later would serve in the Dáin Éireann as a member of de Valera’s Fianna Fáil party. From 1949 to 1950 he was the Lord Mayor of Dublin.

In addition to absorbing the nationalist perspectives of his mother and Breathnach, Breen was affected by the last eviction in his area. The victim, Michael Dwyer Ban, was a relative of the Breens and he later died on the roadside. Breen recalled that this also left “an indelible impression on my mind.” An indication of how strongly nationalist the region was is his memory of people in the neighborhood reading articles about the Boer War. When the papers reported a Boer victory, he recalled that everyone would all be exhilarated by the news.

Like so many young Irishmen from poor families at the time, Breen’s education was ended prematurely by his family’s needs. He went to work at age fourteen. He proudly remembered the first time he was able to hand over his pay to his mother. After a few years of hiring himself out to local merchants and farmers, he got a job as a lineman for the Southern Railway in 1913.

Moving around with the line crew doing repairs, the dark-haired, 5 foot 7 inch tall, sturdily built young man was able to see more of the country. This included being in Dublin during the Lockout. He was further radicalized by seeing people assaulted by the police on the streets.

(Left: Street violence during the Dublin Lockout, 1913.)

Unsurprisingly, given the times and his nationalist upbringing, he was sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in 1912 and the Irish Volunteers in 1914. His friend, Seán Treacy, swore him into the IRB. Though he and Treacy had grown up barely a mile apart, they did not meet until Breen was eighteen. Such was the insular nature of Tipperary at the time, but they were such kindred spirits that Breen immediately felt as if they had known each other their entire lives.

In the months after the Easter Rising Breen, Treacy and other Volunteers in Tipperary and elsewhere around the island were frustrated by what they saw as the timidity of the politicians of Sinn Féin. The two of them would become the living embodiment of boldness and audacity as the conflict escalated, often prompted by things they did.

In the last year of WWI, as the threat of conscription hung over their heads, the young men of Ireland joined the Volunteers in droves. But when the war ended in November 1918, they also abandoned it in droves. Breen, of course, was not among them. He and friend Paddy Keogh even started a grenade making factory in a cottage owned by Tom O’Dwyer in preparation for the conflict with the Crown that they were sure was coming. It shortly blew up, nearly killing Keogh. They got it going again in some farm buildings owned by the family of young Seán Hogan, who would from that point be part of what became known as the “Big Four” of Tipperary rebels, adding 3rd Brigade commander Séamus Robinson as the fourth.

There is little question that the most controversial military action Breen the other three members of the “Big Four” took part in was the killing of two RIC constables during an ambush of a shipment of gelignite at Soloheadbeg on January 21, 1919. It is considered by most to be the start of the Irish War of Independence. By the end of 1918, many members of the Volunteers were afraid the organization was sliding toward becoming more political than military. Treacy, who would appear to have been the leader of the “Big Four,” was certainly one of them. Breen later wrote that Treacy said it was “high time we did a bit of pushing.”

Breen said that Treacy’s plan included, “shooting down the escort, as an assertion of the national right to deny the free passage of an armed enemy.” Robinson says that if there were only two RIC escorts, they planned to challenge them and give them the chance to surrender.

Breen and Robinson had a very contentious post-war relationship and far different memories of many aspects of the period. The planning of Soloheadbeg was one of them, and since Treacy didn’t survive the war, and the teenage Hogan was never a leader of their actions, there was no one left to say where the truth might lie.

Breen’s story was that he and Treacy planned the ambush and that Treacy had gotten Robinson installed as commander of the 3rd Brigade because he would be an easily manipulated stooge. Robinson’s version was that Treacy had discussed the action with him in December, asking his permission to do it, which he had granted. Whichever of those different versions was correct, there was no question that none of them had asked permission from their superiors in the Volunteers.

The ambush nearly did not come off, as they were unsure of exactly when the explosives would be shipped. They spent five fruitless days laying in wait. Later in the war, they might not have gotten away with that without the Crown forces getting wind of it. Finally, on the morning of the 21st, their forward scout came running down the road shouting, “HERE THEY COME!”

In the accounts of both Breen, Robinson, and other members of the ambushing party, the Volunteers shouted “HANDS UP,” rather than just opening fire. Breen, however, asserts that Treacy didn’t. What is known for sure is that constables James McDonnell and Patrick O’Connell lay dead when it was over. Breen, Treacy, and Hogan rode off on the wagon and later hid the 160 pounds of gelignite.

Edward Godfrey, one of the civilians driving the wagon, knew both Breen and Treacy. A week later the famous wanted posters of Breen, offering a £1,000 reward were issued. The price on Breen’s head would eventually reach £10,000.

Breen, Treacy, and Hogan immediately went “on the run” as did Robinson shortly after that. The attack may have eventually had the effect Treacy and Breen hoped for, but it was not immediate. And much of the reaction from their side was less than positive, with many Sinn Féin leaders denouncing their actions. The Catholic Church hierarchy also condemned them.

The Crown’s immediate reaction was to declare Martial Law in Co. Tipperary and to scour the countryside looking for them. They also harassed the family members of the three men from Tipperary. Robinson was originally from Belfast. And just to tweak the British a bit more, the “Big Four” released a proclamation calling on all Crown Forces to leave south Tipperary on penalty of death. 

Sinn Féin leadership formed a plan to ship the “Big Four” out to America. They would not consider it, however. As Breen later wrote, “We declared that our place was in Ireland; Ireland’s fight would have to be made by Irishmen on the hills and on the highways of Ireland, not with printers ink in America or any other country.”

They were all out of Tipperary for several months, but by May they were all back. When young Hogan’s pursuit of a local girl led to him being snatched up by the RIC in Glenough, it set up one of the most famous incidents of the war. Knowing that if Hogan made it to Cork all chance to rescue him would be gone and that he would surely be executed for his part in Soloheadbeg, the other members of the “Big Four” determined to intercept the train carrying Hogan and free him.

On May 13th they met the train at Knocklong, Co. Limerick. There, with the help of five volunteers from the East Limerick Brigade Volunteers in Galbally, they freed Hogan. Two RIC men, Sgt. Wallace and Constable Enright lay dead when it was over, but the Volunteers also suffered. Treacy was wounded in the neck by Wallace and Breen was hit in the chest and right arm by Constable Reilly, who had exited the train with a carbine.

Moving overland to Tom Shanahan’s in Glenlara, Treacy and Breen were treated by Dr. William Hennessy from Galbally. Breen was sure he was going to die, and asked for a priest. The bullet had passed through one of his lungs. Both Treacy and Breen would recover. Breen would prove a very hard man to kill, however.

The “Big Four” were now unquestionably the most wanted men on the island. The rescue of Hogan had been a monumental embarrassment for the Crown forces. As such, it provided an enormous boost to the morale of the Republican movement. The British dragnet for the “Big Four” intensified massively. They were celebrities now and found plenty of help from locals in Tipperary and the surrounding counties, making their way to Co. Clare, where Treacy and Breen recuperated for several weeks.

With Tipperary too hot for them, Michael Collins, knowing his plans would call for some “hard men,” brought the “Big Four” to Dublin. While there they were involved in several attempts to ambush and kill or capture Sir John French, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Breen later claimed they tried and failed to intercept him a dozen times before they finally did it on December 19, 1919.

This time they were in the right place at the right time to stop French’s three-car convoy near the Ashtown gate in Dublin’s Phoenix Park, but their belief that he was in the middle car caused them to miss him. They stopped the 2nd and 3rd cars while the 1st continued on with French aboard.

In the firefight they had with the policemen who were in the other two cars, two Dublin Metropolitan Policemen, Sgt Halley, and Constable O’Loughlin, were killed. Volunteer Martin Savage was also killed and Breen was once again wounded. This time he was seriously wounded in the leg. With Paddy Daly supporting his bike, Breen managed to eventually reach the home of the Malones in Grantham.

Breen would spend three months recuperating there. Mrs. Malone’s son had died in the Easter Rising and she had two daughters in the Cumann na mBan, the Irish republican women’s paramilitary organization, who helped nurse him back to health. Breen would marry one of them, Brighid, in June 1921.

The attack on French may have had more to do with the escalation of the war than did Soloheadbeg, as the spring of 1920 saw attacks on the RIC increasing. RIC barracks all over the island were abandoned and many of them burned down. Breen claimed that during that spring he took part in several barracks attacks back in Tipperary. Robinson, during their post-conflict war of words, insisted that Breen had only been at the attack on Rearcross. At Rearcross Breen was once again wounded, but this time only slightly by shrapnel from an RIC grenade.

Breen was also present on July 30th, when Treacy led an ambush of a British convoy of trucks at Oola in east Limerick. Two British soldiers were killed that day before the attack was broken off for fear of British reinforcements. Also nearly killed when a bullet grazed his head was General Cuthbert Lucas, one of the most famous British officers ever captured by the Volunteers during the war. Treacy and Breen had no way of knowing he was there, as he had just “escaped” (some believe he was allowed to escape) earlier that day.

Within days of that action, Breen was on his way back to Dublin, and near the end of the summer, Treacy went back as well. The 3rd Brigade needed leadership at that time, and yet both of these strong leaders chose to return to Dublin. No one was sure then or now why they did. They may have simply fallen in love with the excitement of the city.

Thus it was that Breen and Seán Treacy were there in Professor Carolan’s house in Dublin at 1 am on October 11, 1920, when it was surrounded by a mixed group of nine soldiers and intelligence officers. That night Breen got over the wall and out of the compound and managed to slip away into the darkness, but he was rapidly losing blood and with it his strength. He looked around for Treacy, who had already escaped. Seeing no sign of him, he assumed he was dead and he could only save himself. Managing to get over the wall and into the St. Patrick’s Training School compound, he lost his pursuers. Going south through the campus he reached the shallow Tolka River, which he was able to walk across.

Knowing of no nearby safe house, and feeling he would not be conscious for much longer, he knocked on a random back door of a house. It was a roll of the dice, but he won. Fred Holmes and his wife took him in and got a local nurse named Long to minister to him. In his book, he claims they told him the houses on either side of them had a Black & Tan lodging in them, but many think details like this in his book are suspect.

Later that day a group of Volunteers helped to transfer him to Mater Hospital. Michael Collins brought Treacy to see Breen at a safe house shortly before they got him to the hospital. Breen was overjoyed to see his best friend was still alive, as was Treacy, who was also sure Breen had been killed. But that happiness, and Treacy himself, would be short-lived.

Breen learned that one of the two RIC officers he or Treacy had killed at Fernside was RIC Assistant Commissioner George Smyth. Smyth was involved in a vendetta go get Breen at all costs. His brother was Major Gerald Smith, who had been shot dead in Cork after infamously having instructed RIC officer to shoot to kill any Irishman with his hands in his pockets. Though Breen had been incorrectly fingered as George’s killer, Gerald had vowed to get revenge but instead had suffered the same fate as his brother.

The British were combing the city looking for Treacy and Breen. On the 14th they caught up with Treacy on Talbot Street. Despite being in a hopeless situation, Treacy pulled out his parabellum and went down fighting. He killed two of his attackers before a bullet pierced his head, killing him. Treacy was scheduled to marry his girlfriend, May Quigly, less than two weeks later.

Michael Collins visited Breen in his hospital room later that day, but when Breen enquired about Treacy, Collins, not wanting to upset the recuperating Breen, lied and said, “he’s out in the country.” Breen was finally told about his friend’s death ten days later. It was a heavy blow for Breen, for whom Treacy was more like a brother than a comrade.

Breen would spend the rest of 1920 and the first part of 1921 recuperating as he was moved first to Dún Laoghaire, then to east Co. Wicklow. Just before Christmas, he was reunited with Robinson and Hogan back in Tipperary, though he was still not ready to go back into action.

Breen participated in little of note in Tipperary in those final months before the Truce. He did have one notable personal event, however. On June 21, perhaps recalling how Treacy had died before he was to marry his own sweetheart, Breen married Brighid Malone. Seán Hogan was Breen’s best man.

A notable personal event after the truce was announced occurred in December when Breen met Mahatma Gandhi in London. He also claimed to have contacted some of the more militant Indian rebels and offered his services to them, but was turned down and then got an offer from Moroccan rebels to come there and assist them, which he refused.

Breen was then the best man at Séamus Robinson’s wedding back in Dublin. So apparently their relation was fine until the publication of Breen’s book in 1924. After the treaty passed, Breen expressed his disgust with it saying, “I would never have handled a gun or fired a shot… to obtain this Treaty.” Breen and Hogan then went to the U.S. briefly. Just before the Civil War broke out, they returned at the request of Liam Lynch. Breen participated in the efforts to avoid the Civil War, but when it came, he fought on the Republican side.

Breen was captured near the end of the Civil War and imprisoned in Limerick and then Mount Joy Jail in Dublin. While he was there he went on hunger strike and was released. While in jail, he was elected Teachta Dála (TD) for South Tipperary. He held the seat until 1927. Though he was usually the most uncompromising of Republicans, in 1927 he became one of the first anti-Treaty TD to take his seat. This cost him the seat in the following election, however.

In 1924 Breen published the story of his participation in the War of Independence, “My Fight for Irish Freedom.” The book was extremely successful and, though much of it is certainly self-serving, remains one of the most well-known books on the war. Rebels in India even used the book as an instructional manual for guerrilla war against the British.

Breen again went to the U.S. after losing his TD seat. He apparently ran a speakeasy in prohibition Chicago and some say he came in conflict with Al Capone. He returned to Tipperary in 1932 and ran for and won back his TD seat as a member of Fianna Fáil. He would hold the seat until he retired in 1965.

Breen was always a controversial figure. During WWII he was openly supportive of the Germans, perhaps driven by an intractable hatred of the British Empire. We should remember though, that while the Allies has some information on aspects of the Holocaust during the war, the media did not widely report it. They may have been wary as a result of the many false stories about “the Huns” during WWI. So few in Ireland would have had much knowledge of what was actually happening. During the 60’s he opposed the American intervention in Vietnam, something that was in line with his anti-imperialist mindset.

Dan Breen passed away in Dublin on December 27, 1969. Over ten thousand people attended his funeral at Donohill in west Tipperary.

Breen’s reputation has taken a beating from the revisionist historians in recent years, like so many other Republican heroes of the war. He did nothing to mitigate that with his statements in interviews over the last part of his life. Of their RIC victims, he said they were “a pack of deserters, spies, and hirelings.” And of Soloheadbeg, “I would like to make this point clear, and state here without any equivocation that we took this action deliberately having thought the matter over and talked it over between us.” He also said, “the only regret we had following the ambush was that there was only two policemen in it, instead of the six we had expected because we felt that six dead policemen would have impressed the country more than a mere two.” Though many of his comrades expressed some regrets for things done during the war, he was an unrepentant rebel.

Mary Anne Allis, Sean Treacy’s aunt, called him “Breen the Murderer” until the day she died. She probably blamed Breen for Treacy’s death, however, Breen said that “the truth is that in the matter of patriotic endeavor he [Treacy] was the leader, and I was his willing disciple.” In the eyes of the revisionists, Breen has become one of the leading “thugs with blood on their hands.”

Dan Breen’s book, though it has many faults, has become one of the classic works on the war. It gave him a permanent place in the pantheon of Irish heroes of war, and that was likely one of his goals in writing it, but that does not mean he doesn’t deserve that place. 

Dan Breen was, indeed, one of the hardest of the “hard men” of the Republican cause, but was he harder than the generations of “hard men” who had ruled over the Irish for centuries? Harder than the judges who had sentenced generations of poor Irishmen and women to transportation to Van Dieman’s Land for offenses like stealing a coat, or a sheep to feed a starving family? Harder than the British officers who commanded troops to guard wagonloads of food being sent to Great Britain during “The Great Hunger” as women and children on the island starved? Harder than the Black & Tans who burned out the center of Cork City and who randomly shot up Irish villages and burned cottages in the countryside, something the British government officially sanctioned in 1921? Breen would say he was not.

Troubles legacy plans criticised by UN experts who express ‘serious concern’

Posted by Jim on

Brandon Lewis

Brandon Lewis

Christopher Leebody  

August 11 2021 07:53 AM


Experts in the United Nations have expressed “serious concern” around proposals by the British Government to deal with the legacy of the Troubles.

The UN issued a statement describing the Westminster plans as a “de-facto amnesty and blanket impunity for the grave human rights violations” during the Troubles.

They said the plan placed the UK in “flagrant violation of its international obligations”.

“UN experts have expressed serious concern about the UK Government’s plan to ban all prosecutions, impede investigations, and preclude victims’ civil claims in connection with “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland,” the statement added.

Last month Secretary of State Brandon Lewis set out a package of measures to deal with legacy in Northern Ireland, including a statute of limitations on prosecutions and an end to civil actions and inquests.

The proposals have been criticised by all Stormont’s Executive parties, as well as the Irish Government and victims’ groups.

Both Prime Minister Boris Johnson and Mr Lewis argue that the current approach to legacy is not working for anyone, and that their proposals will aid reconciliation.

The UN have been in contact with the UK and Northern Ireland regarding the matter.

The experts who expressed the concerns in the report are Fabian Salvioli, special rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence, and Morris Tidball-Binz, special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions.

“We express grave concern that the plan outlined in July’s statement forecloses the pursuit of justice and accountability for the serious human rights violations committed during the troubles and thwarts victims’ rights to truth and to an effective remedy for the harm suffered, placing the United Kingdom in flagrant violation of its international obligations,” they added.

“The essential components of a transitional justice approach – truth, justice, reparation, memorialization and guarantees of non-recurrence – cannot be traded off against one another in a ‘pick and choose’ exercise.

“The proposed plan does not seem to include measures for establishing the full extent of the truth about the human rights violations perpetrated during the Troubles and about the circumstances, reasons and responsibilities that led to them.”

The deputy First Minister said the experts are “shining a spotlight on the cynical and duplicitous intent of the British government’s amnesty proposals”.

“It is the view of the UN experts that these proposals ‘would effectively institute a de-facto amnesty and blanket impunity for the grave human rights violations committed during that period’,” Ms O’Neill said.

“These British government amnesty proposals are a flagrant and open disregard of international obligations and established human rights norms and practices.

“The UN intervention is a real wake-up call – to Britain’s legacy intention – for all who seek to uphold and protect the rights of all victims.

“In light of the intervention from UN experts I am calling on the British government to listen to the international community and withdraw their controversial amnesty proposals without further delay.”

SDLP leader Colum Eastwood described the intervention by the UN as “significant”.

“The concerns raised by independent experts serving the UN Human Rights Council are serious and demonstrate the growing unrest in the international community about the British Government’s legacy proposals,” he said.

“The Secretary of State has yet to effectively address the concerns raised by parties, victims and survivors and, now, UN experts. The SDLP will stand with victims and survivors and continue to oppose this amnesty.”

In a statement a Northern Ireland Office spokesperson said: “We welcome the UN Special Rapporteur’s ongoing interest in this important issue.

“The Government is committed to continuing engagement with the Northern Ireland parties, Irish Government and other key stakeholders, including victims groups, to find a way forward on legacy issues that focuses on reconciliation, delivers better outcomes for victims, and ends the cycle of investigations that is not working for anyone.”

The Formation of the Irish Citizen Army 1913-16

Posted by Jim on August 9, 2021

The Formation of the Irish Citizen Army 1913-16

The Citizen Army banner in 1916, 'We serve neither King nor Kaiser, but Ireland'.
The Citizen Army banner in 1916, ‘We serve neither King nor Kaiser, but Ireland’.

John Dorney Reports on a talk by Brian Hanley at the Smithfield People’s History Project.

The Irish Citizen Army was founded in at the height of the Dublin Lockout of 1913 to protect strikers from the police. Three years later it took part, alongside the Irish Volunteers, in the insurrection of Easter 1916. Its leader James Connolly along with his second, Michael Mallin, were executed for their part in the rising.

The ICA has therefore long had a special place in left-republican history in Ireland. Connolly’s writings gave voice to a socialist-republican tradition that still has adherents today while the Citizen Army’s participation in the insurrection apparently confirmed that, as Connolly put it, ‘the cause of Labour is the Cause of Ireland’. The ICA were an armed workers’ force, who believed in social as well as national liberation and they also admitted women on equal terms to men. Such, at any rate is the memory of them today.

At this talk in the Cobblestone Pub in Dublin’s Smithfield, historian Brian Hanley tried to put some flesh on the bones of the Citizen Army’s story.

The ICA was founded during the extremely violent circumstances of the 1913 Lockout, in which at least 4 strikers were killed by police or strikebreakers, thousands injured by police batons and 7 shot.

The ICA, he told his audience, owed their foundation to a number of factors. One was the extremely violent circumstances of the 1913 Lockout (the great dispute over union recognition, about which you can read more here), in which at least 4 strikers were killed by police or strikebreakers, thousands injured by police batons and 7 shot and wounded.

Union leader James Larkin, Hanley recounted, told his supporters that, ‘an undisciplined crowd suffers most in street fighting’, while James Connolly called for ‘four battallions of trained men’. However the concept of a ‘Citizen Army’ was apparently common in labour and socialist circles at the time. Two years previously a force of this name had been raised in Wales for street fighting during a miners’ strike.

But the ICA was also a product of the militarization of Irish politics. Unionists in Ulster had formed the Ulster Volunteer Force to resist Home Rule in January of that year and both Larkin and Connolly made the point that if northern unionists could arm and drill then striking workers could also. Thirdly a recurring feature of the ICA was the prominent role played by former British Army personnel. The actual founder of the ICA was Jack White, a Ballymena Protestant and son of a British Army Field Marshall and himself a veteran of the Boer War, but who had since developed an interest in radical Irish nationalism and labour politics.

The ICA first drilled in Croyden Park on Dublin’s northside on November 13, 1913.

During the Lockout, according to Hanley, the ICA was a large but loosely organised group, who stewarded union rallies with sticks and bats. In March 1914, when an rally of the unemployed was charged by the Dublin Metropolitan Police, the Citizen Army, or at any rate those marching with them, fled ignominiously. It was an unpromising start for the ICA. At that point it claimed to have 1,000 members but Hanley told us, was more likely to have had just 300.

A revolutionary army?

It seems a long way from this rout to the highly disciplined, though small, force that took part in the Rising of 1916. Moreover, the goals of the ICA seem to have changed radically in those years. In 1913 it was intended purely as defensive force to protect strikers. In 1916 it was engaged in an armed insurrection against British rule in Ireland.  How did this change come about?

One point that Brian Hanley made was that the ICA in 1916 was in many ways a very different beast from 1913 or even mid 1914 when its first army council was elected and its constitution unveiled.

Hanley argued that the ICA was moulded by Connolly into a miltiarnt trade union and republican force, but was not a revolutionary socialist organisation.

In March 1914 the head of the Army Council was Jack White, along with Sean O’Casey (labour activist and writer), James Larkin was the vice chair, along with the pacifist and labour sympathiser Francis Sheehy Skeffington. None of these people were still involved in organisation in 1916.

Larkin had left for America, White and O’Casey both quit in an unseemly row over whether or not the ICA should cooperate with the nationalist militia the Irish Volunteers (White left to join the Volunteers, O’Casey resigned because the ICA was, he thought, too close to the ‘bourgeois nationalists’). Of the 24 people on the Army Council in 1914, only five took part in the Rising of 1916 (among them notably were Constance Markievicz, William Partridge and PT Daly).

This meant that the ICA passed into the hands of James Connolly, now head of the ITGWU, who moulded a smaller but armed and well trained Citizen Army into a force that contemplated taking part in an armed uprising. This, Hanley argued showed Connolly’s increased radicalisation, prompted by the failures of socialists to stop the outbreak of the First World War and the acceptance of mainstream Irish nationalism led by John Redmond of Ireland’s participation in the British war effort. Many union members (and probably some ICA members) in Dublin were either called up as reservists or joined up voluntarily.

Women were in theory full members of the ICA but few acted as combatants

How revolutionary was the ICA? Hanley argued that the beliefs of the average ICA member were probably not that different from those of militant separatists in the Irish Volunteers (after the split with the pro-war National Volunteers in 1914) and the Irish Republican Brotherhood. Their constitution was vague on the Army’s aims, except to say that the Irish people should control their own destiny, political and economic – an assertion that could be taken as a manifesto for social revolution or the most conventional nationalist position.

What made the ICA distinctive in practice, Hanley argued was not  socialist ideology, but the background of its recruits. They had been out on bitter strike in 1913 and for the most part came from Dublin’s unskilled working class. The Volunteers, by contrast, tended to be, in Dublin recruited from the ranks of skilled workers and in the case of their officers, from the middle classes. When the Volunteers were founded (also in November 1913), ITGWU members heckled one of their officers Laurence Kettle, whose family was embroiled in a violent dispute with their agricultural labourers in Swords in north Dublin.

On two occasions in 1915, Connolly used the now armed and quite well trained ICA in labour disputes in Dublin, not only to protect pickets from the police but also to intimidate employers at Dublin Port into granting wage increases. However, the idea that the Citizen Army were a ‘red guard’, Hanley said, was flawed.

James Connolly.
James Connolly.

The ICA became integrated into separatist politics, forming part of the guard of honour at the funeral of veteran Fenian O’Donovan Rossa, for instance in 1915. At some point in that year, Connolly was invited onto the ‘Military Council’ the secretive group of IRB and Volunteer leaders who planned the Easter Rising. Most Citizen Army fighters were religious (some Protestant as well as Catholic) and most took communion in the weeks leading up to the insurrection in 1916.

Similarly, according to Hanley, while The ICA in theory took in women on equal terms with men, he had found records of no more than 30 female members and they tended to act as nurses and messengers rather than as fighters. Only two he argued (Constance Markievicz and Margaret Skinnider) can certainly be shown to have carried arms in 1916. Unlike most male members, a significant number of the women were middle class radicals – notably Markievicz (in fact a blue-blooded aristocrat), the doctor Kathleen Lynn and activist Helena Molony.

1916 and after

The Starry Plough flag.
The Starry Plough flag.

Hanley made the point that compared to the Volunteers, who in April 1916, mobilised just 1,000 or so of their 6,000 members in Dublin for the insurrection, the smaller and more tightly controlled ICA did much better, with 250 out of 340 members turning out to fight. Some 14 of these were killed in the week’s fighting and Connolly and Mallin executed afterwards. (Some more, notably William Partridge died in captivity).

In the immediate aftermath, some of the provincial press blamed the Citizen Army alone for the Rising, arguing that the destruction of property was typical of ‘Larkinism’ and ‘syndicalism‘. Cumann na mBan activist Mary MacSwiney in Cork similarly bemoaned the fact that Volunteers had apparently been led by the nose by ‘Larkin’s crowd’.

The ICA stayed together after 1916 but never regained their former prominence.

Most of the Citizen Army prisoners were released by mid 1917, as part of the post-Rising amnesty. While they did regroup, the organisation never regained the prominence that it had had previously. Hanley made the point that the trajectory of members subsequently was unpredictable. Many of the most militant went on to join the IRA and Sinn Fein.

Several hundred stayed together and played some part in the subsequent War of Independence – especially helping to smuggle weapons through Dublin Port. In The Civil War of 1922-23 some ICA members could be found on both sides of the Treaty split, but the Citizen Army as a body were anti-Treaty and fought with the anti-Treaty IRA in the first week’s fighting in Dublin. Many were interned thereafter.

The organisation was briefly revived by the left-republican group the Republican Congress in 1934, but it had little impact in the politics of that, very different, era.

In all Hanley concluded that the ICA was a workers’ army but not an explicitly socialist force. Its distinctiveness lay not primarily in where its members thought Ireland was heading but in where they came from, the poorest of the Dublin’s working class. The thesis that its women were not primarily combatants may be debateable (Kathleen Lynn for instance seems to have commanded the ICA outpost at City Hall during the Rising) but is also worthy of consideration.

Nevertheless the Citizen Army and its symbol the Starry Plough flag have come to symbolise for some of the most radical republicans both the promises and the disappointments of nationalist revolution in Ireland in the early 20th century.

Victims and politicians to meet on Troubles amnesty

Posted by Jim on August 5, 2021

Victims campaigner Raymond McCord

Connla Young 05 August, 2021 01:00

Policing Board member Dolores Kelly

Victims and politicians opposed to British government plans to introduce a Troubles amnesty will meet later today.

The gathering has been organised by campaigner Raymond McCord.

His son Raymond Jr was beaten to death by a UVF gang in November 1997.

Some of those believed to have been involved in the brutal murder include police informers.

The meeting comes after the British government announced plans to introduce a Troubles amnesty and end civil cases and inquests.

Among those due to attend are DUP and Alliance Party MPs Jim Shannon and Stephen Farry along with SDLP Policing Board member Dolores Kelly.

A cross-community section of victims relatives will also be present along with Julie Hambleton, whose sister was killed in the 1974 Birmingham pub bombings.

Mr McCord last night said “there can be no amnesty for members of paramilitary organisations, loyalist or republican, state forces or agents”.

He added that relatives will not accept the British government proposals.

“We are saying that is dismantling the justice system for its own agenda and continuing the cover up of their own involvement with terrorist murderers who were in their pay,” he said.

Mr McCord added that “this is not about orange or green, unionist or nationalist, this is about people who were murdered and the state are saying they don’t matter, that’s what this is about”.

Integrated Education continuing growth suggests its working with the grain of demographic change…

Posted by Jim on August 4, 2021

May be an image of wrist watch, body of water and text that says '12 1 1 TIMEX 2 3 4'

Mick Fealty on August 4, 2021

A piece in yesterday’s Irish News caught my eye, in the sense it claimed that there was now 71% support for Integrated Education (from LucidTalk’s online panel), the same proportion that voted in favour of the Belfast Agreement in 1998.Just 7/8% of NI schools are integrated, but that’s huge compared to the handful that followed Lagan College in the 1980s. It and its North Belfast analogue Hazelwood College fed an aspiration that’s only continued to grow since.There are 68 schools, with more due to come on stream in September. The major restraint (apart from inertia within the system) seems to be the fact that in many parts of Northern Ireland some places (like Derry) live separate lives.Reading Gerald’s piece this morning about the Belfast of Brian Moore’s recalling a world in which to venture beyond the bounds of your religiously defined community was to risk isolation from everything you loved, you can feel the change.Today, my old Catholic secondary although still Catholic, draws in many local protestant kids, and in turn, the children of the kids I went to school with there in the 70s now look to other schools, state, integrated or Catholic grammars.Identity in the greater Belfast region, where Alliance is on the rise in electorally significant numbers, has never been more fluid. Outside Belfast, old suspicions lurk. LT suggests up to 72% of SF supporters want kids educated together.Yet SF’s Upper Bann Education spokesman John O’Dowd criticised Integrated Education for promoting British Identity, “you can pay homage to the Crown but to no-one else”. Jurassic perhaps, but he reflects feeling in rural, nationalist NI.Whatever its drawbacks, Catholic education (and latterly Irish medium schools) has been a haven for Irish cultural perspectives (language, culture, and sport) that have endured longer more deeply than sincere religious conviction.However, Integrated Education, from first seeds dropped in the hard, unyielding soil of 1980 Belfast is today working with the grain of popular change, where IE is practical and opened many other doors where presently it’s not.Whilst they continue to attract the new, post Troubles (post Boomer) generations looking for a better NI, whilst offering levels of educational achievement which are as good as or better than other sectors of education it will grow.