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Tuesday, June 10, 2025

The Alternative Ulster Covenant

Posted by Jim on October 5, 2012

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 The 28th September 2012 will be the centenary of Edward Carson’s Ulster  Solemn League and Covenant, signed by northern unionists in protest  against the Third Home Rule Bill for Irish self-government. Far less  well known is the ‘Alternative Ulster Covenant’, signed in October 1913  by Protestants from County Antrim in support of Home Rule and against  partition.

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 On the 24th of October 1913, a public meeting titled ‘Protestants  against Carsonism’ was held in Ballymoney Town Hall, Co. Antrim. The  meeting was called by Rev J. B. Armour, minister of the local Trinity  Presbyterian Church and a liberal Home Ruler. Armour was an outspoken  critic of the politics of Edward Carson, his Ulster Volunteer Force and  the 1912 Ulster Covenant. The town of Ballymoney was chosen as the  meeting place because the district had a radical Republican tradition  going back to the United Irishmen in the 1790s. In the late nineteenth  and early twentieth centuries it was also the hotbed of tenant rights  agitation among the Protestant tenant farmer population.

 

 Over five hundred people attended the meeting, which overflowed from  the hall onto the street outside. Mottos on the walls proclaimed  ‘Ulster for Ireland and Ireland for Ulster’. Those attending included  representatives of all social classes. Rev. Armour wanted to  demonstrate the level of strong opposition to partition and sectarian  politics that existed among Irish Protestants; for this reason the  meeting was a Protestant one and Catholics were specifically asked not  to attend.

 

 Two resolutions were passed. The first resolution rejected the claim of  Carson to speak for Ulster’s Protestants and it pledged its signatories  to lawful resistance to Carson’s activities. The second resolution was  put before the meeting by Roger Casement. A British consul from  Ballymena, Casement had gained international acclaim for his exposure  of the exploitation of native peoples in the Congo and the Putumayo  River region in Peru.

 

 Casement’s resolution read:

 

 “That this meeting dispute the narrow claim that differences of creed  necessarily separate Irishmen and women into hostile camps, affirms its  belief that joint public service is the best means of allaying  dissensions and promoting patriotism, and calls upon his Majesty’s  Government to pursue the policy of bringing all Irish men together in  one common field of national effort.”

 

 This resolution was passed unanimously. Various contributions from the  floor expressed anger at the thought of the division of Ulster and the  exclusion of three of her nine counties. It was argued that if they  accepted Home Rule, Irish Protestants would have at least one quarter  of the membership of any Dublin parliament to protect them and to look  after their interests. Partition, however, would bring about two  sectarian states, where the major denomination in each would have too  much power and would dominate religious minorities. Religious division  rather than cooperation would become the order of the day. Others at  the meeting suggested that partition would have a severe negative  impact on the economy of Ulster and of Ireland as a whole. Further  industrialisation would become difficult and Ulster’s natural farming  communities would be divided from each other.

 

 Casement remarked:

 

 ‘I have no wish to add to the tensions of the day. I am seeking only to  point a way, not to conflict and further embitterment of feeling, but  to a peace with honour; a peace for Ireland as a whole and honour for  Ulster as the first province of Ireland.’

 

 He went on:

 

 ‘Ulstermen have been sold by political trickery, arming and drilling  against the perceived enemy. The enemy they are been led against, is no  enemy at all: Catholic Ireland, Nationalist Ireland, desires not  triumph over Ulster, they seek only friendship and goodwill.’

 

 Casement appealed to the spirit of 1798, when Irish Catholics and  Protestants had fought together for an independent Republic.

 

 Mrs. Alice Stopford Green spoke next. Daughter of the Church of Ireland  Archdeacon of Meath and granddaughter of the Bishop of Meath, she  declared that she was present for the honour of the Protestant faith.

 She reminded the largely Presbyterian audience that both Irish  Presbyterians and Catholics had historically been discriminated against  by an Anglican, aristocratic ascendancy, and that both had been bond  together in the struggle for political and social rights. The future of  all Irish Protestants and Catholics lay together, not apart. She  touched her audience deeply when she made reference to the Land League:

 ‘the Protestant farmers of Ulster owe their present prosperity to the  legislation obtained by Southern sacrifice’.

 

 Captain Jack White also spoke. White was the son of a British general  and himself a soldier, but his experience in the Boer war would turn  him into a strong opponent of British imperialism. White declared that  their common Christian faith held each man to be a son of God. ‘But let  Protestants remember this: the test of their sonship of God is their  brotherhood with man, and those Protestants who think and act towards  their Catholic fellow-countrymen as though they were their hereditary  enemies had better, for their own sakes, leave the name Protestantism  and God out of the question’. This declaration was met with cheering  and prolonged applause.

 

 White proposed a counter covenant to that of Carson’s. The counter  covenant read:

 

 “Being convinced in our conscience that Home Rule will not be  disastrous to the national well-being of Ulster, and that, moreover,  the responsibility of self-government would strengthen the popular  forces in other provinces, would pave the way to a civil and religious  freedom, which we do not now possess, and would give scope for a spirit  of citizenship, we, in whose names are underwritten, Irish citizens,  Protestants, and loyal supporters of Irish Nationality, relying under  God on the proven good feelings and democratic instincts in our  fellow-countrymen of other creeds, hereby pledge ourselves to stand by  one another and our country in the troubled days that are before us and  more especially to help one another when our liberties are threatened  by any non-statutory body that may be set up in Ulster or elsewhere. We  intend to abide by the just laws of the lawful Parliament of Ireland  until such time as it may prove itself hostile to democracy. In sure  confidence that God will stand by those who stand by the people,  irrespective of class or creed, we hereunto subscribe our names.”

 

 After the meeting the Alternative Covenant was distributed and efforts  were made to get a large number of Protestants in the county to sign.

 It is claimed that twelve thousand people signed the Alternative  Covenant. Copies of the signatories were reported to be among Jack  White’s papers when he died. Unfortunately, White’s family, who did not  share his views, made a bonfire of his papers immediately after his  funeral.

 

 The speeches of the three main speakers were subsequently published in  a pamphlet entitled ‘A Protestant Protest.’

 

 After the Ballymoney meeting, a deputation went to meet the British  Prime Minister Asquith on the 26th November 1913. The deputation was a  mixture of businesspeople, trade unionists and academics, such as  Professor Henry of Queens University Belfast, David Campbell of the  Belfast Trade Council and Alex Wilson. The deputation emphasised to  Asquith that those who were organising the Ulster Volunteer Force, an  illegal militia established to resist Home Rule by force, were for the  most part landlords, their tenants and their dependants. These  paramilitaries did not speak for the Protestants of Ulster.

 

 Rev. JB Armour was quite vocal in dismissing Carson’s ‘Ulster Day’, the  day of the signing of the Solemn League and Covenant, as ‘Protestant  fool’s day’. He publicly denounced Carson, the Unionist leader, as ‘a  sheer mountebank’ and ‘the greatest enemy of Protestantism’. He even  wrote that Carson ought to be tarred and feathered!

 

 A public platform party against partition was formed. Its forty or so  public representatives were distinguished Protestants, such as J.

 Goold-Verschoyle, Robert Carson, James Hanna, Rev JB Armour, WD.

 Hamilton and JL. Taggart. Also a member was Alec Wilson, the son of one  of the directors of the great ship-building firms Harland and Wolff.

 Interestingly, Harland and Wolf expressed an indication at the time  that they were opposed to partition and that they supported Home Rule.

 

 Unhappily, the Ballymoney meeting was a once-off and any activity that  sprung from it failed to turn the tide of Carsonism. Carson and his  followers in the Unionist Party and the UVF rose to popular power in  Ulster in a wave of anti-catholic sentiment. The result was the  British-imposed partition of Ireland. However, the Ballymoney meeting  did show that a significant minority of Protestants in North-East  Ulster were opposed to partition.

 

 At the Ballymoney meeting Roger Casement emphasised the links between  ‘the Catholics of Wexford and the Presbyterians of Antrim who had  fought together on the same side little more than a hundred years  previously’. He said the ‘Protestant Dissenters of Ulster’ had played a  very progressive role in Irish history, and what a wonderful  contribution they could make to an all-Ireland state. He hoped that  Catholics and Protestants would unite and that they would ‘set the  Antrim hills ablaze’.

 

 Unfortunately, this was not to be.

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